FINAL WORLD EVENTS IN PROPHECY FORESHADOWED 2020

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GENERAL REPORTS

2020 GENERAL REPORTS UPDATES TITLES

SDA CHURCH LEADERSHIP SURRENDERS TO ROME'S ANTI-ABORTION DOGMAS AMERICA SATURATED BY RIGHT-WING PROPAGANDA HISTORIC ROMAN CATHOLIC ANTAGONISM TOWARDS LIBERALISM RELIGIOUS DESPOTISM DESTROYING AMERICA'S FREEDOMS "CYRUS" "THE ONE CHOSEN BY GOD" IS DETHRONED BUT CAESAR IS STILL ON HIS THRONE
AND FULL OF GUILE

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That prophecy is a part of God's revelation to man; that it is included in that Scripture which is profitable for instruction (2 Tim. 3:16); that it is designed for us and our children (Deut. 29:29); that so far from being enshrouded in impenetrable mystery, it is that which especially constitutes the word of God as a lamp to our feet and a light to our path. (Ps. 119:105; 2 Peter 1:19); that a blessing is pronounced upon those who study it (Rev. 1:1-3); and that, consequently, it is to be understood by the people of God sufficiently to show them their position in the world's history and the special duties required at their hands. (1914 Yearbook, p. 293)

BIBLE PROPHECY

THE SURE FULFILLMENT OF PROPHECY:

"A Message Whose Time Has Come"

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MAJOR ESCHATOLOGICAL PASSAGES OF SCRIPTURE

SPECIAL UPDATING REPORTS

A MENACING CRISIS AND A VERY SIGNIFICANT PROPHETIC SIGN:

DISTRESS OF NATIONS WITH PERPLEXITY - A Sign of the last remnant of time

CONTINUING COVERAGE OF THE GEOLOGICAL AND CLIMATOLOGICAL SIGNS WHICH MULTIPLY - “the sea and the waves roaring” Luke 21:25; “Calamities, earthquakes, floods, disasters by land and by sea, will increase. . . ." - (R&H, December 11, 1900):

Natural disasters and extreme weather

Global Disaster Watch

The Global Disaster Alert and Coordination System


SPECIAL REPORTS

SUBSIDIARITY: THE PRINCIPLE AND ITS IMPLEMENTATION

THE EUROPEAN UNION

A Major Path For Rome Among Many Converging through Jerusalem to Global Domination By Satan in Person - the Ultimate Antichrist


The insight of A. T. Jones that needs to be kept in mind as Roman Catholic legislation proliferates throughout America - "The papacy is very impatient of any restraining bonds"  more . . .

Ellen G. White: "When the leading churches of the United States, uniting upon such points of doctrine as are held by them in common, shall influence the state to enforce their decrees and to sustain their institutions, then Protestant America will have formed an image of the Roman hierarchy, and the infliction of civil penalties upon dissenters will inevitably result." (GC 445.1)

"When Protestantism shall stretch her hand across the gulf to grasp the hand of the Roman power, when she shall reach over the abyss to clasp hands with Spiritualism, when, under the influence of this threefold union, our country shall repudiate every principle of its Constitution as a Protestant and Republican government, and shall make provision for the propagation of papal falsehoods and delusions, then we may know that the time has come for the marvelous working of Satan, and that the end is near." (5T 451.)

My people are destroyed for lack of knowledge: because thou hast rejected knowledge, I will also reject thee, that thou shalt be no priest to me: seeing thou hast forgotten the law of thy God, I will also forget thy children. Hosea 4:6

We do not go deep enough in our search for truth. Every soul who believes present truth will be brought where he will be required to give a reason of the hope that is in him. The people of God will be called upon to stand before kings, princes, rulers, and great men of the earth, and they must know that they do know what is truth. (Review and Herald, February 18, 1890; TM 119)

Spirit of Prophecy Policy on Family Planning  (For full context cf. Adventists and Birth Control; Adventists and Birth Control (Concluded)

A quotation to be kept in mind and applied to current events:

"What the Jesuit Order is for the left wing of the Roman Catholic Church, Opus Dei is for its right wing. (Hegelian politics at its finest, for the Roman Catholic Church cannot lose if it has strong ties with both ends of the political spectrum!)" (From Opus Dei in the USA)

GENERAL REPORTS

Certain of the popular positions mentioned approvingly in some hyperlinked reports, essays, and blogs on this web page will of necessity cause reactions of strong disagreement, or at the very least discomfort, on the part of many readers. Regrettably, these positions cannot be separated from the core issues in the reports which prove the fulfillment of major end-times prophecies, and may of themselves be fulfillment of the prophecy of the Apostle Paul in 2 Timothy 3:1-5.

LINK TO 2019

2020 GENERAL REPORTS UPDATES:

"CYRUS" "THE ONE CHOSEN BY GOD" IS DETHRONED BUT CAESAR IS STILL ON HIS THRONE
AND FULL OF GUILE

(A temporary interruption of the rapid movement towards the tyranny of the Image to the Beast - Revelation 13:15-17)

THE ROMULUS AND REMUS LEGEND AND THE PAPACY

CULTURE WAR WITHIN THE CHURCH OF ROME

"AMERICANISM" AND ITS CURRENT IMPACT

THE POWERS REVEALED IN REVELATION 13

ARE PROPHETIC EVENTS IN PALESTINE ABOUT TO MOVE FORWARD?

THE ROMULUS AND REMUS LEGEND AND THE PAPACY

With the dethronement of "Cyrus" "the Chosen One" the Evangelicals are about to be swept out of the White House, ceding influence to the papal Caesar whose benign Vatican II Council countenance masks the spirit of Romulus and Remus:-

In his book The Consecrated Way to Christian Perfection A. T. Jones demonstrated from the annals of history the reality that the papacy is but a continuation of the Roman Empire:

The Consecrated Way to Christian Perfection

CHAPTER XIII THE TRANSGRESSION AND ABOMINATION OF DESOLATION

And all this is confirmed by latter Rome herself. For Leo the Great was pope A.D. 440 to A.D. 461, in the very time when the former Rome was in its very last days, when it was falling rapidly to ruin. And Leo the Great declared in a sermon that the former Rome was but the promise of the latter Rome; that the glories of the former were to be reproduced in Catholic Rome; that Romulus and Remus were but the forerunners of Peter and Paul; that the successors of Romulus therefore were the precursors of the successors of Peter; and that, as the former Rome had ruled the world, so the latter Rome, by the see of the holy blessed Peter as head of the world, would dominate the earth. This conception of Leo's was never lost from the Papacy. And when, only fifteen years afterward, the Roman Empire had, as such, perished, and only the Papacy survived the ruin and firmly held place and power in Rome, this conception of Leo's was only the more strongly and with the more certitude held and asserted. . . .

Taking the ground that she is the only true continuation of original Rome, upon that the Papacy took the ground that wherever the New Testament cites or refers to the authority of original Rome, she is now meant, because she is the only true continuation of original Rome. Accordingly, where the New Testament enjoins submission to "the powers that be," or obedience to "governors," it means the Papacy, because the only power and the only governors that then were, were Roman, and the papal power was the true continuation of the Roman.

"Every passage was seized on where submission to the powers that be is enjoined, every instance cited where obedience had actually been rendered to the imperial officials; special emphasis being laid on the sanction which Christ Himself had given to Roman dominion by pacifying the world through Augustus, by being born at the time of the taxing, by paying tribute to Caesar, by saying to Pilate, 'Thou couldst have no power at all against Me except it were given thee from above'"—Bryce. And since Christ had recognized the authority of Pilate, who was but the representative of Rome, who should dare to disregard the authority of the Papacy, the true continuation of that authority, to which even the Lord from heaven had submitted.

And it was only the logical culmination of this assumption when Pope Boniface VIII presented himself in the sight of the multitude, clothed in a cuirass, with a helmet on his head and a sword in his hand held aloft, and proclaimed: "There is no other Caesar, nor king, nor emperor than I, the Sovereign Pontiff and Successor of the Apostles;" and, when further he declared, ex cathedra: "We therefore assert, define, and pronounce that it is necessary to salvation to believe that every human being is subject to the Pontiff of Rome."

This is proof enough that the little horn of the seventh chapter of Daniel is Papal Rome and that it is in spirit and purpose intentionally the continuation of original Rome. (Underscored emphasis added.)

Ellen G. White also wrote from the historical record in copious detail about this sinister perversion and subversion of the Christian Church. It is a fascinating account, and only a small portion is quoted here:

Ecclesiastical Empire

CHAPTER XIII - RESTORATION OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE

IT is evident that as the papacy had hitherto claimed, and had actually acquired, absolute dominion over all things spiritual, henceforth she would claim, and, if crafty policy and unscrupulous procedure were of any avail, would actually acquire, absolute dominion over all things temporal as well as spiritual. Indeed, as we have seen, this was already claimed, and the history of Europe for more than a thousand of the following years abundantly proves that the claim was finally and fully established. . .

90. The conferring of the dignity of patrician, as well as that of consul, was a prerogative that pertained to the Roman emperor alone. For the pope then to confer such a dignity was in itself first to assert that the pope occupied the place of emperor, and possessed an authority that included that of emperor. This is exactly what was claimed. We have seen that even while the Roman Empire yet remained, Pope Leo the Great, 440-461, declared that the former Rome was but the promise of the latter Rome; that the glories of the former were to be reproduced in Catholic Rome; that Romulus and Remus were but the precursors of Peter and Paul, and the successors of Romulus therefore the precursors of the successors of Peter; and that as the former Rome had ruled the world, so the latter by the see of the holy blessed Peter as head of the world would dominate the earth. This conception was never lost by the papacy. And when the Roman Empire had in itself perished, and only the papacy survived the ruin and firmly held place and power in Rome, the capital, how much stronger and with the more certitude would that conception be held and asserted. . .(Underscored emphasis added.)

From the Roman Catholic publication Crisis Magazine comes the following commentary in 2013:

St. Peter and St. Paul, the Fathers of Great Rome

Peter and Paul, the Fathers of great Rome,

Now sitting in the Senate of the skies,

One by the cross, the other by the sword,

Sent to their thrones on high, to Life’s eternal prize.

Elpis, the wife of Boethius, sings the praises of St. Peter and St. Paul in her Latin poem, Decora lux aeternitatis. In another translation of this hymn, these two apostles are referred to as the “twin founders of Rome.” This historical allusion recalls the legend of the founding of the city of Rome by the twin brothers, Romulus and Remus. Their city matured into an Empire that was one of the most powerful civilizations in human history. Yet over 800 years from the founding of the city of Rome, another set of brothers, Peter and Paul, not natural brothers, but united by the bonds of the Spirit in Christ, laid a foundation of a new civilization which would outlast and outshine the Roman Empire.

Early Christian writers often contrasted Peter and Paul with Rome’s founders, Romulus and Remus. According to the ancient Roman myth, Rome was violently established when Romulus killed his brother as they laid the city’s walls. In comparison, Peter and Paul built up the civilization of love found in the Church with brotherly affection. The Roman Empire, in nascent form at the time of the twin founders, would rule the world through fear and violence under the shroud of the pax romana. Peter and Paul would set the example for the Church to serve the world through faith and charity under the mantle of the pax Christi. The spiritual kingdom of the Church would far surpass the boundaries of time and space to which the Roman Empire had aspired. As noted by Pope St. Leo the Great, the Roman Empire which was the great teacher of error became the disciple of Truth under the guidance of the two great apostles, Peter and Paul.

Through preaching truth in word and practicing charity in deed, Peter and Paul re-founded the city of Rome for Christ. . .

Since the first Rome was founded on fratricide, Rome needed to be re-founded as a Christian city in fraternal love. Elpis continues her hymn in praise of the great apostles Peter and Paul by extolling the great city of Rome.

O happy Rome! Who in thy martyr princes’ blood,

A twofold stream, art washed and doubly sanctified.

All earthly beauty thou alone outshinest far,

Empurpled by their outpoured life-blood’s glorious tide.

The blood of the brothers united in Christ serves as the seed of the Church which will grow in time. We sing their praises together, according to Tertullian, because they “poured forth all their teaching along with their blood.” Their witness in teaching and blood is what truly makes Rome the urbs sacra and urbs aeterna. It was their martyrdom in Rome that at last led to the unending reunion between Peter and Paul in the true Holy and Eternal City, the Heavenly Jerusalem. For eternity, they are united with one another and with their Redeemer who called them both to the great mission of bringing the gospel to the entire world. (Underscored emphasis added; italics in the original.)

Further the magazine published the following commentary in 2016:

Saints Peter and Paul and the “Catholicizing” Principle

This Wednesday, June 29, is the Solemnity of Saints Peter and Paul. It’s the patronal feast of the city of Rome and a high feast day throughout the Church.

Obviously, it honors the two great apostles of the Christian faith.

Each apostle, however, has other feast days that are only associated with them. For example, on February 22 we honor the Chair of St. Peter, a symbol of the authority given to the papal office by Jesus Christ, and on January 25 we honor the Conversion of St. Paul.

Why then does the Church have a joint feast day for both apostles? What lessons could be drawn from the feast day today that could help the Church in its dealings with the world?

Traditionally, the joint feast day was celebrated because it was believed that both apostles died on June 29 in the year 64 AD. While the historicity of that assertion is debated today, the belief of a shared day of martyrdom reflected a strong “Catholicizing” principle within the Church and in her engagement with the Roman culture at that time.

A little history can clarify things.

Ancient Rome prided itself in the story of its foundation. The city rallied around the mythic story of Romulus and Remus, the twin brothers who were born from the union between their human mother, who was a Vestal Virgin and either Mars, the Roman god of war, or the great hero Hercules (depending on the source of the myth).

From their mother’s side, the twins were related to the Trojan prince Aeneas, one of the most iconic figures of the ancient world. After a rebellion against their grandfather’s rule, the young twins were left in the wilderness to die. The two, however, were nurtured by Lupa, a She-Wolf and eventually founded Rome.

The pride and importance of such myths cannot be underestimated since ancient cities and peoples developed their identities around them. No city would just exist. It needed a narrative. Rome especially needed a narrative as it grew and conquered vast portions of the known world at its time.

Romulus and Remus, therefore, were hailed as princes of Rome and their story and lineage were used as sources of credibility and prominence. Incidentally, even today the image of the twins and the she-wolf are on the shield of Rome.

The early Christians of Rome were also heavily influenced by the myth of the city’s foundation. And so, they saw Saints Peter and Paul as a new and improved Romulus and Remus, and looked for ways in which the apostles fulfilled the ancient myth and could be the true founders of Rome.

In particular, and in reference to the coming feast day, since the apostles were not twins and not even brothers in the flesh, the early Christians accepted a shared day of martyrdom for the apostles since it made them twins by being born into eternal life on the same day.

The apostles would be twins in eternity. For the Roman mind at that time, this was enough evidence to prove that the two apostles were the new princes of the city or, in Christian terms, the patronal saints of the city.

While the lack of clarity between myth and history might make the contemporary believer uneasy, the principle at work is very much needed in today’s Church. . .

The early Christians could have fought the idolatry of Rome, they could have declared a culture war with the world around them, but they did not.

Instead, they chose to follow a Catholicizing principle explained by St. Paul, who taught: “Finally, brothers and sisters, whatever is true, whatever is noble, whatever is right, whatever is pure, whatever is lovely, whatever is admirable—if anything is excellent or praiseworthy—think about such things.” (Philippians 4:8)

The early Christians understood their responsibility to be leaven within culture and salt and light within the world. Being a Christian was known to be principally about sharing Good News, and not just about zealously engaging in battles over bad news.

Why is this history important? Can it provide an invaluable lesson to the Church today?

The Catholicizing principle of the early Church in Rome can be a great help to the Church today. In the midst of Western state of affairs, it seems that some within the Christian faith are very eager to engage in culture wars before even attempting a Catholicizing principle.

The witness of the early Christians reminds believers today to focus on what is shared with culture, and to discern what is true and admirable, and to baptize whatever can be into a shared and universal worldview. (Underscored emphasis added.)

Consistent with the inherent contradictions of Roman Catholicism, the above commentary of 2016 appears to denigrate the culture war, which flows naturally from the legend of Romulus and Remus, while extolling the virtues of the "Catholicizing principle of the early Church in Rome" by corrupting Philippians 4:8. The fiction that "the early Christians accepted a shared day of martyrdom for the apostles since it made them twins by being born into eternal life on the same day" is biblically false and an unholy libel of the early Christian Church which was corrupted by the proud and blasphemous boasts of the Popes Leo the Great and Boniface VIII.

There is not the slightest indication in the above commentaries of any reservations about the validity the Roman Church's vision of her mission and destiny. In fact the declared organizational purpose of Crisis Magazine is precisely that of realizing the vision of "Great Rome." Note the following information about the purpose and the intellectual heft of the founders of the publication in which the essay appeared:

About Us

The word “crisis” comes from the ancient Greek krisis—“decision”.

The West has arrived at a crisis point. We must decide: Do we serve the City of God or the City of Man? Does our first allegiance lie with the Church or with the State? Do we profess the ancient and immutable Faith or the latest fashionable secular dogmas?

Not since the Cold War have we experienced such violent political, cultural, and spiritual unrest. Not since the Civil War has our country been divided so bitterly against itself. Our civilization is under attack from the far-left within and radical Islam without.

Most thought-leaders downplay the gravity of the crisis at hand. The rest promise fresh perspectives and new solutions. Ideologies and ideologues rise and fall with the tides, carrying us further and further out to sea. Night draws in on the West.

Yet the solutions we need are anything but new. In fact, they’re as old as time itself. They’re written on man’s hearts and wired into his brain. They were handed down to Moses on Mt. Sinai and taught by Our Lord on the Sea of Galilee.

Every generation has its moment of crisis—the moment when it must decide. And each generation is tasked with articulating these timeless truths of the Faith to guide its decisions.

In 1982, America’s leading Catholic intellectuals founded Crisis for just that purpose.

To this day, Crisis remains America’s most trusted source for authentic Catholic perspectives on Church and State, arts and culture, science and faith. We have one purpose, and one only: to proclaim Christ’s Kingship over all things, at all times, to all nations.

So long as the present crisis endures, we’ll be on the front lines. We can do no other, and we say with St. Peter: “Lord, to whom shall we go?” (Underscored emphasis added.)

The purpose of proclaiming "Christ’s Kingship over all things, at all times, to all nations" declared by the Crisis Magazine editors must be understood in the context of the paean of praise to Romulus and Remus and the scandalous misappropriation of the names of the Apostles Peter and Paul. The vision is of the papal "Caesars" reigning over the whole world.

The spirit of Romulus and Remus already hovers over the American nation, and looms large in the future.
In keeping with the spirit of Romulus and Remus the Church of Rome has been violently militant in her past history. Pope Francis is doing his best to soften this image of the papal Institution:

Pope asks Protestants for forgiveness for persecution

Pope Francis asked Protestants and other Christian Churches for forgiveness for past persecution by Catholics as the Vatican announced on Monday he would visit Sweden later in the year to mark the 500th anniversary of the Reformation.

Speaking at an annual vespers service in St. Paul’s Basilica in Rome attended by representatives of other religions, he asked “forgiveness for the un-gospel like behaviour by Catholics towards Christians of other Churches”. He also asked Catholics to forgive those who had persecuted them. . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

Note the last sentence. No persecution of Roman Catholics by Protestants could ever legitimately be compared to the vast scope and ferocity of papal Rome's wars against Protestants who simply wanted the freedom to worship God in peace.

Given the Machiavellian character of Rome, there is every reason to doubt the sincerity of the Pope's apology. The reality is that papal Rome's wars against Protestants were completely consistent with her roots in the imperial Rome of Romulus and Remus. This analogy which originates with papal Rome herself fits her history of cruel persecutions perfectly.

What is of even greater significance to the Bible student is the identification of papal Rome as a continuation of the persecuting power of Imperial Rome:

ANTI-CHRIST - WHO IS HE?

7 After this I saw in the night visions, and behold a fourth beast, dreadful and terrible, and strong exceedingly; and it had great iron teeth: it devoured and brake in pieces, and stamped the residue with the feet of it: and it was diverse from all the beasts that were before it; and it had ten horns.

NOTE: - The fourth universal power to rule the world from Daniel's day was Rome. It was so different from any beast that Daniel knew, he was unable to name it. It is non-descript. The ten horns are noted in Daniel 7:24 as "ten kings that shall arise." It is a fact that the Roman Empire was split into ten smaller kingdoms between the years 351 and 476 A.D. The following are their ancient and modern names:1. Alemanni - Germany; 2. Franks - France; 3. Anglo-Saxons England; 4. Burgundians ‑ Switzerland; 5. Visigoths - Spain; 6. Suevi - Portugal; 7. Lombards - Italy; 8. Heruli; 9. Vandals; 10. Ostrogoths.

8. I considered the horns, and, behold, there came up among them another little horn, before whom there were three of the first horns plucked up by the roots: and behold, in this horn were eyes like the eyes of man, and a mouth speaking great things.

NOTE:- In this verse there are two identifying marks to locate "the little horn" in history. It came up "among" the ten horns, and "three" of the original ten were overthrown in its rise to power. In Daniel 7:24 another identifying mark is given. The "little horn" would come up "after" the ten horns. There is only ONE power in history that answers to this description. At Rome itself, at the very center of the fractured Empire, there arose after 476 A.D., the Papacy - the one man government of the Catholic Church. In its rise to power, three of the Gothic tribes - the Heruli, the Vandals and the Ostrogoths - were uprooted and disappeared from history. The reigning power of these kings passed to the pope, and thus figuratively, the crowns, the symbols of power, were placed on the head of the Pope. This gives the significance of the triple crown worn by the pontiffs. See II Samuel 12:30. The power of the Papacy was established by the decree of Justinian in 533 A.D. and was carried out by force of arms in 538 A.D. in the overthrow of the Ostrogoths by Justinian's general, Belesarius. He came up "after" them.

The Book of Revelation amplifies the exposure of papal Rome's true character:-

Rev. 12:3, 9

And there appeared another wonder in heaven; and behold a great red dragon, having seven heads and ten horns, and seven crowns upon his heads. . .

And the great dragon was cast out, that old serpent, called the Devil, and Satan, which deceiveth the whole world . . .

The following is from exegesis by Wm. H. Grotheer:

"There is an overall picture conveyed by Revelation 12. In each period, whether in regard to "the Man-Child", or the period of the woman in the wilderness, or in the war against the "remnant," it is the "dragon" operating. This dragon or serpent is specifically called "the Devil, and Satan." In the following chapters, other symbols are used designating powers under the control and authority of the dragon doing the work which the 12th Chapter attributes to the dragon. This chapter is the outline which the following chapters detail and enlarge" (EXEGESIS OF REVELATION The Woman, The Dragon, The Man-Child, and the Remnant of Her Seed Part 1.)

Rev. 13:1-4

And I stood upon the sand of the sea, and saw a beast rise up out of the sea, having seven heads and ten horns, and upon his horns ten crowns, and upon his heads the name of blasphemy. And the beast which I saw was like unto a leopard, and his feet were as the feet of a bear, and his mouth as the mouth of a lion: and the dragon gave him his power, and his seat, and great authority. And I saw one of his heads as it were wounded to death; and his deadly wound was healed: and all the world wondered after the beast. And they worshipped the dragon which gave power unto the beast: and they worshipped the beast, saying, Who is like unto the beast? who is able to make war with him?

Excerpted from relevant exegesis by Wm. H. Grotheer:

EXEGESIS OF REVELATION The Beast and the False Prophet (Part 2

In the Twelfth Chapter of Revelation, John heard a "Woe" pronounced on "the inhabiters of the earth and of the sea." In the Thirteenth Chapter, two "beasts" are seen, one rising "up out of the sea," and the other "coming up out of the earth." (vs. 1, 11) These two beasts are related in the text to the dragon. One receives "his power, and his seat, and great authority" directly from the dragon (v. 2). The other, "spake as a dragon" and exercised "all the authority of the first beast," which authority had been given it by the dragon. (vs. 11-12).

The commonality between the first beast and the dragon is further heightened in the imagery. Both have seven heads and ten horns (12:3; 13:1) However, there is a movement of one item in the symbols; the crowns are placed on the "horns" of the first beast, rather than remaining on the "heads." It must also be kept in mind that the book of Revelation presents a third beast with seven heads and ten horns. (17:3) No crowns are seen on this symbolism either on the "heads" or the "horns."

What is this telling us? If a "crown" is symbolic of reigning, then the "dragon" is portrayed as functioning through its seven heads from the time of the first gospel promise to the time of, and including the war with the "remnant of her seed." The first beast of Revelation 13 would then be operating at the time of the reigning of "the ten horns."

To further identify this beast, the description is closely associated with the vision given to Daniel (Chap. 7). The lion, the bear, and the leopard are followed by a nondescript beast. In Revelation 13, the nondescript beast is a composite, "like unto a leopard, and his feet were as the feet of a bear, and his mouth as the mouth of a lion" (v. 2). This is the exact order as found in Daniel 7, only reversed. In the vision to Daniel, he saw that the dominion of the three beasts was "taken away: yet their lives were prolonged for a season and time." (7:12). The symbolic representation in Revelation 13, tells us that the lives of the three beasts of Daniel 7 lived on in the first beast.

We must next turn our attention to the seven heads. What do they represent? The span of Revelation 12 covers the time from the first gospel promise made in Eden till the war against the "remnant of her seed." Genesis gives the beginning of the first nation or peoples through whom this promised "seed" would be realized. (Gen. 12:3; 21:12) They were to go into bondage. (Gen. 15:13-15) This defiant power - Egypt - was the first power to seek to "devour" the people of God. Pharaoh was the "son of Ra," one of the sun gods of Egypt. The symbolisms of Egypt used to represent their sun gods, as noted in the previous study of Revelation 12, was the "serpent of fire" around a sun disc. (See WWN - 5(95), pp. 3-4)

From the first attempt to destroy the people of God through whom the Promised Seed would come, there were five powers to John's day - Egypt, Assyria, Babylon, Medo-Persia, and Grecia. The power of John's day was Rome, another was yet to come. (Rev. 17:10) At this point, we need to determine how we are to understand prophecy. Do we place the count, "five are fallen, one is, and the other is not yet come," as beginning in our day, or do we understand it to be in the time frame of John to whom the statement was made?

There is another problem however; the seventh head was "to continue a short space." If the sixth head is pagan Rome, and the seventh, papal Rome, we have the seventh head continuing for a longer period than any of the previous six heads which the wording of the definitive statement will not permit.

The book of Daniel in the visions as recorded in Chapters 7 & 8, present both pagan and papal Rome as one continuous power. The "little horn" of Daniel 7, ever remains in and is nourished by the nondescript beast (7:8). Further this beast is pictured as continuing "till ... slain, and his body destroyed, and given to the burning flame." (7:11) The problem then is to interrelate all of this data to the first beast of Revelation 13, for it is this beast along with the second which are consigned to "the burning flame" (Rev. 19:20)" (Underscored emphasis added.)

The Bible lays bare the true ferocious character of the papacy. There is no excuse for any Bible student to be deluded into believing that this is a Christian Church, or that it has ever in its history been the Christian Church. So what has happened to the Seventh-day Adventist Church?!!

THE SPIRIT OF ROMULUS AND REMUS IN THE CULTURE WAR

The ferocious character of the papacy is impossible to suppress. Physical warfare has been suspended, but the papal Caesar's fierce countenance is still visible in the culture war, as illustrated in the following Roman Catholic essay:

The Mission Field and the culture war

Are we witnessing the ugly end of culture-war Catholicism? The conservative Catholic media landscape—born out of a battle with social liberalism that goes back at least to Pat Buchanan’s popularization of the term “culture war”—seems to have entered a decisive new phase of its decline.
As Pope Francis makes call after call for peace and global solidarity among all people, the culture war troops continue to find new ways to generate enmity through agitprop. Formerly middle-of-the-road Catholic conservative magazines and personalities have become dispensers of crude arguments that are meant to end reasoned debate and inspire outrage. It really is far worse than it ever was. A recent (non-satirical!) article by David Carlin, published in The Catholic Thing, captures perfectly this devolved culture-war mentality:

I FIND HOMOSEXUALITY DISGUSTING. I FIND DRUNKENNESS DISGUSTING. I FIND PROSTITUTION DISGUSTING. I FIND DRUG ADDICTION DISGUSTING. I FIND ABORTION DISGUSTING.

AS FOR PEOPLE WHO DON’T FIND THESE THINGS DISGUSTING—I FIND THEM DISGUSTING.

Liberalism (and I am using that term in a deliberately blurry way, to encompass all that the culture warriors oppose, even if it tends to center around post-World War II secularism, social progressivism, and the heritage of the sexual revolution) has become so profoundly other in the mind of the culture-war Catholic that it can no longer be examined dispassionately, let alone be engaged with respectfully. It is simply “disgusting.”

At one time, I saw liberalism as a titanic ideological and technological force that could only be resisted, and perhaps one day overcome, by a reactionary politics devoted to restoring a pre-liberal social order. But alas, I can’t abide the increasing tendency of the Catholic right to portray their opponents as either imbeciles or demons. The culture war has turned our moral reflexes into automatic expressions of disgust, leading us to engage in a never-ending caricature of debate. The political allegiances and machinations demanded by the culture war drain us of charity, numb our consciences, and deform our faith.

Having said that, I must admit that I agree with those more high-minded culture warriors, the Catholic “Integralists,” about one thing: liberalism functions like a religion and should be treated as such. But liberalism is not all abortion-as-sacrament extremists and Drag Queen Story Hours. It binds people together in a shared system of belief in universal values (however vaguely defined these may be), with the goal of creating a global order in which humanity can flourish. It is more than merely political, but that is why we should engage with liberalism according to the principles of the new evangelization, or even those of inter-religious dialogue. . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

Here we have a clear representation of both the culture war, which reflect the spirit of the Beast acknowledged in the legend of Romulus and Remus, and the new face of the papal Caesar initiated by Vatican II. But there is more to the culture war. The following are examples of the darker hidden culture war which has accomplished the erosion of democracy in America:

Breaking The Opus Dei Code (Dated May, 2006)

Opus Dei, Latin for “work of God,” has, according to media reports, at least 3,000 members in the United States but its influence, critics say, has been more substantial than its numbers would indicate. In 2002, an Opus Dei priest, the Rev. C. John McCloskey III, former director of the Catholic Information Center, converted U.S. Sen. Sam Brownback (R-Kan.) from evangelical Protestantism to Catholicism. Brown\xadback’s [sic] conversion was shepherded by U.S. Sen. Rick Santorum (R-Pa.), a conservative Catholic and Opus Dei booster.

Long the scourge of progressive Catholics, Opus Dei, with an estimated 80,000 members worldwide, has enjoyed a close relationship with the church’s conservative hierarchy, serving, as one writer put it in the mid 1980s, as a “holy mafia” to promote far-right views on “culture war” issues. . .

In Washington, Opus Dei relies on influential senators like Santorum and Brownback [both no longer in any public office] to advance its agenda. The two are known for frequently pushing “culture war” issues, in\xadcluding [including] ardent opposition to abortion and gay rights and the promotion of “intelligent de\xadsign” [design] in public school science classes. . .

In the nation’s capital, the Catholic Information Center, now directed by the Rev. William H. Stetson, an Opus Dei priest ordained in 1962, serves as a clearinghouse for the Catholic far right and a bridge to the mostly fundamentalist Protestant Religious Right. Prominent Catholic thinkers often appear at the center. It has recently hosted Michael Novak of the American Enterprise Institute and the Rev. Richard John Neuhaus, editor of First Things, a journal that frequently attacks church-state separation. (Underscored emphasis added.)

Critically important information has been published that among the Roman Catholic secret societies Opus Dei is in the ascendancy at the Vatican under Pope Francis. Also, according to the report Opus dei is "at the top is a secret society of international bankers, financiers, businessmen and their supporters." This would explain much about the wide influence exercised by the society over the body politic. The following report is very significant. Lengthy passages are therefore quoted:

Opus Dei Influence Rises to the Top in the Vatican

Opus Dei, an official institution of the Catholic Church, at the top is a secret society of international bankers, financiers, businessmen and their supporters. Their goal is the same as other plutocrats – unbridled power – except they use the influence of the Catholic Church and its worldwide network of institutions exempt from both taxes and financial reporting requirements to advance rightwing parties and governments.

A year after Cardinal Jorge Mario Bergoglio’s elevation as head of the Church and his many appointments, the dust has settled. Three cardinals have emerged as the most powerful in this papacy; all have close ties to Opus Dei. Two now control all Vatican finance.

Still the most exhaustively researched book written about “The Work” as it is referred to by its members, Their Kingdom Come (1997, 2006) by Robert Hutchison, a Canadian financial journalist, traces the growth of Opus Dei financial power “by all available means” – deception, dirty tricks, even “physical muscle” like poisonings which mimic heart attacks. “What gives Opus Dei its importance is the influence it wields and also that it deploys its immense financial resourcesOpus Dei knows very well that money rules the world,” Javier Sainz Moreno, professor of Law at Madrid University, told Hutchison. One of their goals was to control the Vatican’s wealth, now closer than ever to being realized.

Like many religious cults, the members at the bottom are sincere believers that Opus Dei is the path for personal holiness. Many are “numeraries,” men and women vowed to celibacy who live in communal residences and hand over their earnings to the organization. This creates workers totally dedicated to their assigned tasks, assures a steady stream of revenue and makes it difficult for members to leave. “Supernumeraries” are married and live independently but are still required to make large contributions and send their children to Opus Dei schools if available. At all levels, the names of the lay members are secret unless self-disclosed. Opus Dei also has an order of publicly identified priests and prelates.

Opus Dei’s only “charity” is founding schools, mostly business schools and student centers at the world’s leading universities to train and recruit a continuous supply of professionals dedicated to Opus Dei/Catholic goals. Opus Dei is “significantly connected to 479 universities and high schools,” according to journalist Michael Walsh based on a confidential report submitted to the Vatican in 1979. . .

Probably Opus Dei’s largest financial institution is Banco Santander S.A., “the largest bank in the Eurozone by market value and one of the largest banks in the world in terms of market capitalization.” Santander funds Opus Dei schools. “Santander’s interest in higher education is a deep interest, long term, because we understand that at the university are studying the leaders who will run the country in the future,” explained a company official.

“Opus Dei pursues the Vatican’s agenda through the presence of its members in secular governments and institutions and through a vast array of academic, medical, and grassroots pursuits. Its constant effort to increase its presence in civil institutions of power is supported by growth in the organization as a whole….Their work in the public sphere breaches the church-state division that is fundamental to modern democracy,” wrote Gordon Urquhart author of The Pope’s Armada: Unlocking the Secrets of Mysterious and Powerful New Sects in the Church (1995).

“It’s widely known that Supreme Court Justices Antonin Scalia, Samuel Alito, and Clarence Thomas belong to Opus Dei – and that Chief Justice John Roberts may also be a member,” stated Matthew Fox, a former priest, progressive theologian and author of more than 23 books.

“They’re in the CIA, the FBI,” said Fox. “Daniel Ellsberg recently told me that some of the ranking commanders of our military are also Opus Dei,” Fox stated in another interview. Veteran investigative reporter Seymour Hersh made a similar observation. “Hersh stated that Gen. Stanley McChrystal, Vice Admiral William McRaven and others in the Joint Special Operations Command (the group responsible for the assassination of Osama Bin Laden) were members of the Knights of Malta and Opus Dei. ‘They see themselves as protecting [Christians] from the Muslims….And this is their function.’ Hersh added that members of these societies have developed a secret set of insignias that represent ‘the whole notion that this is a culture war between religions.’” . . .

Robert P. George, a Princeton University professor closely associated with Opus Dei, changed the landscape of U.S. politics. Neocon politico Deal Hudson stated that “If there really is a vast, right-wing conspiracy, its leaders probably meet in George’s basement.” Referred to by the New York Times as “the country’s most influential conservative Christian thinker,” it was George’s study conducted in the late 1990s showing that allegiance to the Republican Party depended not so much on religious affiliation as the frequency of church attendance which Karl Rove used to direct support for George W. Bush into pulpits, church bulletins, parking lot pamphlets and mailing lists taken from parish rosters. . .

After a year of concentrated activity to make sure his assets are better managed and under his control, including the creation of four commissions, the hiring of six international consulting firms which service the plutocracy together with appointments of trusted allies, Pope Francis established the Secretariat of the Economy this past Feb. 24.

He appointed Australian Cardinal George Pell as its head reporting directly to him. With “authority over all economic and administrative activities within the Holy See and the Vatican City State,” this makes Pell de facto manager of the entire Roman Curia since he holds the purse strings.

After becoming an archbishop, Pell invited Opus Dei to establish themselves in Melbourne and then Sydney. Under Pell’s patronage, “Opus Dei’s star is on the rise, it is said, and that of others – including other more established groups within the Church – is sinking,” Sydney Morning Herald’s religious affairs columnist wrote in January 2002. This reporter saw “signs of a new elitism….a clerical culture is being encouraged in which there is a highly select ‘in’ crowd around Pell.”

Pell has maintained a close relationship with Australia’s conservative PM, Tony Abbott, and his party for decades. Days before Pope Bergoglio appointed Pell on April 13, 2013, to his “G8” group of cardinals who would advise the pope on “governing the Church,” Pell attended a “Gala Dinner” celebrating the Melbourne-based Institute of Public Affairs (IPA) an “ultraconservative think tank.” Rupert Murdoch was guest of honor and Abbott the keynote speaker. (Murdoch was awarded a papal knighthood by Pope John Paul II for “promoting the interests of society, the Church and the Holy See.”) . . .

Along with the Secretariat of the Economy, the pope also created a new Council for the Economy which “will consider policies and practices and to prepare and analyze reports on the economic-administrative activities of the Holy See.” This council is comprised of eight prelates and seven laymen “reflecting various parts of the world.” As we have seen a year after the pope named his G8 “from the five continents of the world” only those close to Opus Dei have advanced in power; the rest have hardly been heard from since. Tokenism is becoming evident in all of Bergoglio’s group appointments. By all accounts, all power rests firmly in the pope and those close to him.

The Council for the Economy will be coordinated by Cardinal Reinhard Marx, another member of Bergoglio’s G8. Marx was the invited speaker for 300 guests of Opus Dei at a meeting held in the Deutsche Bank, Germany’s central bank. He has presided at Masses celebrating Opus Dei’s founder, Josemaria Escrivá, and visits the Opus Dei center for university students in Munich.

The Work is said to be very powerful in Germany’s financial capital of Frankfurt. Der Speigel observed that “There is hardly a German bishop who does not regard the organization with favor.” . . .

Pope Bergoglio has verbally attacked the global economic system as based on a “god called money,” and has urged international financiers to break down “the barriers of individualism and the slavery of profit at all cost.” Yet again and again, Bergoglio has appointed those who labor for the plutocracy to manage his own wealth. Widely reported as “cleaning up” Vatican finances, the pope has never appointed any forensic accountants or other specialists from any law enforcement or government regulatory agency whose expertise is curbing unethical/illegal finance to advise him about the notoriously dishonest Vatican finances. The seven laymen on the Council for the Economy reflect this. . .

Kudos to former Fox News correspondent and member of Opus Dei, Gregory Burke, Vatican senior communications adviser for brilliantly manipulating the news. Burke said during an interview with the Washington Post, “I would love to bring some Roger Ailes into this job,” but Burke has been doing just fine. What was the most prominent headline about the Church in the past two weeks after Obama meeting the pope and the formation of a sex abuse commission? “Pope Francis Removes German ‘Bishop of Bling (Underscored emphasis added.)

It always stretched credulity to believe that the current Roman Pontiff is a liberal opposed to, or even divorced from, the right-wing Bishops in America who are in alliance with the Evangelicals in the theocratic grab for power. The above report gives the lie to the image of a kind and compassionate Pope, deeply committed to the relief of poverty and suffering. If he harbors Opus Dei at the highest levels of the Vatican government, he must also support the work of the society in America. It is inconceivable that he spurns the power wielded by Opus Dei in the United States: 

Opus Dei’s Influence Is Felt in All of Washington’s Corridors of Power

The Opus Dei Catholic Information Center’s “members and leaders continue to have an outsize impact on policy and politics. It is the conservative spiritual and intellectual center … and its influence is felt in all of Washington’s corridors of power,” stated the Washington Post. . .

Opus Dei’s influence is enormous in the U.S. judiciary.

“The center’s board includes Leonard Leo, executive vice president of the Federalist Society, which helped shepherd the Supreme Court nominations of Brett M. Kavanaugh and Neil M. Gorsuch. White House counsel Pat Cipollone is a former board member, as is William P. Barr, who served as attorney general under President George H.W. Bush and is now President Trump’s nominee for the same position.” Barr, a “committed Catholic,” was highly recommended by Leonard Leo.

The U.S. judiciary has been shaped not only through Leo’s control over Trump’s judicial appointments but also by the Judicial Crisis Network (JCN) directed by Leo and run by Carrie Severino, a former law clerk for supreme court justice Clarence Thomas.

The JCN is a 501(c)(4) organization, meaning its donors are secret. “It has spent millions across the country to influence the elections of judges and attorneys general as well as judicial appointment and confirmation processes.”

“Leo’s efforts to ensure that Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito were confirmed engaged the dark money spending power of JCN. In 2005 and 2006, Leo and the Federalist Society worked with JCN to coordinate radio and online ads as well as on grassroots efforts to support the confirmation of the right-wing justices.

To block the appointment of Barack Obama’s choice, Merrick Garland, and support the confirmation of Justice Gorsuch, Leo helped coordinate the JCN’s expenditure of $17 million. The campaign was highly effective in allowing Gorsuch, the Federalist Society’s pick, to take the place many thought rightly belonged to Merrick Garland.” . . .

“Opus Dei pursues the Vatican’s agenda through the presence of its members in secular governments and institutions and through a vast array of academic, medical, and grassroots pursuits. Its constant effort [is] to increase its presence in civil institutions of power. [T]heir work in the public sphere breaches the church-state division that is fundamental to modern democracy, noted Gordon Urquhart, author of The Pope’s Armada: Unlocking the Secrets of Mysterious and Powerful New Sects in the Church (1995).

“Opus Dei uses the Catholic Church for its own ends which are money and power …. Its members form a transnational elite. They seek to colonize the summits of power. They work with stealth – ‘holy discretion’ – and practice ‘divine deception,’” Robert Hutchison wrote in the introduction to his book, Their Kingdom Come: Inside the Secret World of Opus Dei. . .

Vatican Connection

That Newt Gingrich is close to Opus Dei helps explain Trump’s appointment of Callista Gingrich as U.S. Ambassador to the Vatican. (Newt’s three marriages would have raised eyebrows in the Vatican diplomatic corps even though the first two were annulled when he became Catholic and married Callista.)

Newt was an early and constant supporter of Trump. He provides Pope Francis with direct access to Trump. For Trump, he has trusted emissary in a diplomatic corps described as a “prime listening post” in global affairs.

Trump attended Callista’s swearing in ceremony in October 2017. . .

The necessity for “economic” officers is less obvious. The pope is also head of a global network that can act as a conduit for “dark money” thanks to “religious” exemptions granting the Church monetary secrecy in the world’s financial centers. That is a magnate for Opus Dei to maintain power inside the Catholic Church.

Pope Francis has made sure that the Vatican retains its expertise and capacity in this regard. He has hired and appointed vulture capitalists and Opus Dei members and associates to manage his assets. And now he has an American ambassador and embassy staff as allies. (Underscored emphasis added.)

Again Pope Francis' connection to Opus Dei is readily apparent. He has successfully hidden behind "plausible deniability, and the Roman Catholic propaganda machine has shielded him by promoting a genial and kind portrait of the man. However, as Pope he is very much "the man of sin" and "the lawless one." The Word of God does not lie! The expressions of disapproval of the culture war cannot be trusted. The innocuous face of the papacy in Vatican II should not have been trusted: sad to say that this statement must be couched in the past tense. The Ecumenical Council was the siren song of the mother of all harlots, and the Protestant world was enticed into harlotry by her seduction (cf. What Constitutes Babylon, which was published before apostasy had overwhelmed sound prophetic interpretation in the Seventh-day Adventist Church.)

The following is a revealing and cautionary analysis of the present threat to democracy, which prophetically will finally end in totalitarian government by the papal Caesar. The author is Massimo Faggioli, a professor of theology and religious studies at Villanova University. His most recent book is The Liminal Papacy of Pope Francis: Moving Toward Global Catholicity. He is obviously no enemy of papal Rome, and favors the new face of Rome presented by Vatican II. The essay is so illuminating and educational that it is quoted in full:

Democracy Is the Problem?

The Return of Catholic Anti-Liberalism

One of the most troubling developments in the current debate on religion and politics is the renewed characterization of liberal democracy as a bigger threat to Christian morality than any other political system. This is not just a return of the old legitimist doctrine that nondemocratic systems and monarchies are more Christian than democracies; rather, it’s a general crisis of the theological-political alignments of the twentieth century. Catholic anti-liberalism is trying once again to cast serious doubts on the idea that democracy and Christianity are even compatible. This is a sign that what Ross Douthat has called “the John Paul II synthesis” is in crisis, while demonstrating as well that John Paul II was not a neo-conservative pope.

In Tertio millennio adveniente (1994), his apostolic letter introducing the church to the third millennium, John Paul II wrote that “the Second Vatican Council is often considered as the beginning of a new era in the life of the Church. This is true, but at the same time it is difficult to overlook the fact that the Council drew much from the experiences and reflections of the immediate past, especially from the intellectual legacy left by Pius XII” (italics in the original).

In that legacy there is also Pope Pius XII’s radio message of December 1944, what French historian Jean-Dominique Durand has called the pontiff’s “baptism of democracy.” Delivering it on the eve of the last Christmas during World War II, Pius XII said:

[U]nder the sinister glow of the war that surrounds them, in the burning heat of the furnace in which they are imprisoned, the peoples have awakened from a long torpor. They confronted the state and faced their rulers with a new, questioning, critical, wary attitude. Tempered by a bitter experience, they oppose with greater impetus to the monopolies of a dictatorial power, unquestionable and intangible, and demand a system of government, which is more compatible with the dignity and freedom of citizens.

Pius XII quoted Leo XIII’s encyclical Libertas (1888), which affirmed that “it is not of itself wrong to prefer a democratic form of government, if only the Catholic doctrine be maintained as to the origin and exercise of power. Of the various forms of government, the Church does not reject any that are fitted to procure the welfare of the subject; she wishes only—and this nature itself requires—that they should be constituted without involving wrong to any one, and especially without violating the rights of the Church.”

Less than four months after the death of Pius XII, his successor, John XXIII, announced the Second Vatican Council—whose teachings on the social and political message of the church are often ignored or avoided by Catholics who talk about the church’s disposition towards the political question, even though Vatican II is integral part of the Catholic tradition and of the official teaching of the church. For neo-traditionalists, the problem is that Vatican II substantially redefined “the rights of the church.” It elaborated a theology of the secular world and founded on the Catholic “baptism of democracy” celebrated towards the end of World War II—while adding significant new elements to it, especially freedom of religion, freedom of conscience, and a post-Hiroshima theology of war and peace. Building on John XXIII’s last encyclical, Pacem in terris (April 11, 1963), Vatican II ushered in a new understanding of the Catholic view of the secular nation-state, democracy, and individual rights, especially in the pastoral constitution Gaudium et spes and the declaration on religious liberty Dignitatis humanae. It was a theology growing out the defeat of totalitarianism and authoritarianism (which, until the war, many Catholics supported) in Western Europe and the rejection of communism dominating Eastern Europe, Russia, and China. The Catholic Church came to terms with the new international, post-colonial, liberal-democratic order: it was officially post-fascist and anti-communist, despite the institutional church’s support for some fascist regimes (Spain, Portugal, Latin America) even long after the end of Vatican II, and despite the fact that millions of Catholics in Western Europe voted for communist parties.

The post-Vatican II period saw a development of this theological and magisterial shift. There was, for example, Paul VI’s apostolic letter Octogesima adveniens (1971), which acknowledged the pluralism of political options for Catholics: “While recognizing the autonomy of the reality of politics, Christians who are invited to take up political activity should try to make their choices consistent with the Gospel and, in the framework of a legitimate plurality, to give both personal collective witness to the seriousness of their faith by effective and disinterested service of men.”

Today, almost sixty years after the announcement of Vatican II in 1959, Catholics are left to wonder how their church can guide them in understanding their political options in this new world “dis-order” shaped by, among other things: 9/11 and the insufficiency of military action in establishing a more secure, peaceful, and just world; the decline of American world leadership and the emergence of new authoritarian regimes (especially China and Russia); the paralysis of the European project; the inability to address widening gaps in social and economic equality both globally and within individual countries; and the rise of populism and ethno-nationalism in response to a new oligarchy of technocrats-without-borders. All of this is influencing how younger people think about democracy; polls show that millennials are not simply less interested in it, but also losing faith in it as a viable system.

Are younger Catholics just as pessimistic? How is the return of anti-liberalism affecting them specifically? It’s important to note that today’s version of Catholic anti-liberalism is not the same as that which prompted Catholics to vote for the Fascists in Italy or the Nazis in Germany. Until the mid-twentieth century, Catholic anti-liberalism assumed that anti-republicanism and opposition to democracy and popular sovereignty—and, of course, to communism—were the only possible Catholic positions. Today’s version stems from the disappointments of the last few decades, and has challenged assumptions typical of the period between Vatican II and the beginning of the twenty-first century.

One important element in contemporary Catholic anti-liberalism has to do with the legacy of the “culture wars”—the linking of liberal and secular democracy with attacks against the sanctity of life. Now, there is no question that secular progressive governments have become more dismissive of the sensibility of citizens who have religious convictions, as demonstrated by the recent furor over the Canadian government’s summer jobs program and a pitched debate about rights, beliefs, freedoms and the power of the state.

Yet this also seems to be a forgetting of history. I am not referring to well-known liberal causes like opposition to racism, militarism, and anti-Semitism (the causes that fascist regimes are known to support). What I find disturbing is the assumption that liberal democracy simply by virtue of liberalism is to blame, say, for the legalization of abortion. In his Moscow Diary, for example (December 1926-January 1927), Walter Benjamin wrote of the disruption of traditional marriage in early Soviet Russia as a relic of the bourgeois epoch. In 1936, Soviet Russia under Stalin also passed one of the strictest anti-abortion policies in the world in order to stimulate the birth rate.

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, authoritarian and anti-communist regimes sought the support of Catholic hierarchies by legislating according to doctrines of Catholic sexual morality. One of the reasons for criticism of Paul VI’s Humanae vitae (1968) was the consonance between pre-Vatican II prohibition of contraception and the legislation of authoritarian and totalitarian regimes on the matter. Humanae vitae was compared to the fascist-era legal prohibition of contraception and the corresponding censorship of information on birth control. Catholic rejection of modern medical technology had to contend with the legacy of the secular and anti-fascist rejection of the sexual and abortion politics of Mussolini’s pro-natalist regime, where the prohibition of contraception was justified by the need for nation-building.

Younger Catholics who are drawn to anti-liberalism and who have developed a sensibility for life issues different from that of their parents and grandparents may be seeking an alternative system that enshrines pro-life values. But they may also be failing to note the tragedies that have occurred at the hands of non-democratic leaders and movements, including those related to life issues. The assault on the sanctity of life, as expressed in support for abortion and contraception, did not begin with liberal democracy.

Catholic social teaching gives Catholics the ability to assess the moral and political crisis of a nation (and of a democracy) without rejecting the idea of the nation-state and of the legitimacy of a political authority that is pluralistic, non-confessional, and respectful of secular and non-Christian or post-Christian identities. What Tony Judt said in his last public lecture in October 2009 about our necessity to “think the state” is also an urgent need for Catholics today—particularly in the West, given the contribution of the Catholic intellectual and magisterial tradition to the constitutional and political questions of the last hundred years. It is worth remembering that the failure of Catholics to make the case for democracy, and their dream for a return to the “golden age” of medieval Christendom, were key factors in the rise of authoritarian regimes in the twentieth century. (Underscored emphasis added.)

The following is one more recognition of the culture war continuing to rage in America, the ultimate objective of which is the destruction of the American experiment in constitutional liberal democracy:

The post-Christian culture wars

The Trump administration’s two most revealing speeches weren’t given by Trump.

Republicans control the White House, the Senate, and the Supreme Court. They have 27 governorships and governing trifectas in 21 states. But many conservatives — particularly Christian conservatives — believe they’re being routed in the war that matters most: the post-Christian culture war. They see a diverse, secular left winning the future and preparing to eviscerate both Christian practice and traditional mores. And they see themselves as woefully unprepared to respond with the ruthlessness that the moment requires.

Enter Donald Trump. Whatever Trump’s moral failings, he’s a street fighter suited for an era of political combat. Christian conservatives believe — rightly or wrongly — that they’ve been held back by their sense of righteousness, grace, and gentility, with disastrous results. Trump operates without restraint. He is the enemy they believe the secular deserve, and perhaps unfortunately, the champion they need. Understanding this dynamic is crucial to understanding the psychology that attracts establishment Republicans to Trump, and convinces them that his offense is their best defense.

If this sound exaggerated, consider two recent speeches given by Attorney General William Barr. Barr is a particularly important kind of figure in the Trump world. He previously served as attorney general under George H.W. Bush, and had settled into a comfortable twilight as a respected member of the Republican legal establishment. It’s the support of establishment Republicans like Barr that gives Trump his political power and protects him from impeachment. But why would someone like Barr spend the end of his career serving a man like Trump?

Speaking at Notre Dame in October, Barr offered his answer. He argued that the conflict of the 20th century pitted democracy against fascism and communism — a struggle democracy won, and handily. “But in the 21st century, we face an entirely different kind of challenge,” he warned. America was built atop the insight that “free government was only suitable and sustainable for a religious people.” But “over the past 50 years religion has been under increasing attack,” driven from the public square by “the growing ascendancy of secularism and the doctrine of moral relativism.”

This is a war Barr thinks progressives have been winning, and that conservatives fight in the face of long institutional odds.

Today we face something different that may mean that we cannot count on the pendulum swinging back. First is the force, fervor, and comprehensiveness of the assault on religion we are experiencing today. This is not decay; it is organized destruction. Secularists, and their allies among the “progressives,” have marshaled all the force of mass communications, popular culture, the entertainment industry, and academia in an unremitting assault on religion and traditional values.

Whatever political power conservatives hold, progressives occupy the cultural high ground, and they strike without mercy. “Those who defy the [secular] creed risk a figurative burning at the stake,” says Barr, “social, educational, and professional ostracism and exclusion waged through lawsuits and savage social media campaigns.

In a November speech before the Federalist Society, Barr expanded on the advantage progressives hold. It’s worth quoting his argument at length:

The fact of the matter is that, in waging a scorched earth, no-holds-barred war of “Resistance” against this Administration, it is the Left that is engaged in the systematic shredding of norms and the undermining of the rule of law. This highlights a basic disadvantage that conservatives have always had in contesting the political issues of the day. It was adverted to by the old, curmudgeonly Federalist, Fisher Ames, in an essay during the early years of the Republic.

In any age, the so-called progressives treat politics as their religion. Their holy mission is to use the coercive power of the State to remake man and society in their own image, according to an abstract ideal of perfection. Whatever means they use are therefore justified because, by definition, they are a virtuous people pursuing a deific end. They are willing to use any means necessary to gain momentary advantage in achieving their end, regardless of collateral consequences and the systemic implications. They never ask whether the actions they take could be justified as a general rule of conduct, equally applicable to all sides.

Conservatives, on the other hand, do not seek an earthly paradise. We are interested in preserving over the long run the proper balance of freedom and order necessary for healthy development of natural civil society and individual human flourishing. This means that we naturally test the propriety and wisdom of action under a “rule of law” standard. The essence of this standard is to ask what the overall impact on society over the long run if the action we are taking, or principle we are applying, in a given circumstance was universalized — that is, would it be good for society over the long haul if this was done in all like circumstances?

For these reasons, conservatives tend to have more scruple over their political tactics and rarely feel that the ends justify the means. And this is as it should be, but there is no getting around the fact that this puts conservatives at a disadvantage when facing progressive holy war, especially when doing so under the weight of a hyper-partisan media. . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

The foregoing quotations from William Barr's speech to The Federalist Society reveal a twisted, delusional state of mind. To unbiased observers the last thing that Progressives (Liberals) have on their minds is a "holy war." To the contrary, all of the evidence points to Barr's conservatives, and Barr himself, engaged in the "holy" "post-Christian culture war," with all of the intensity attributed to "the Left." Barr is exhibiting insane psychological "projection." He is a prominent representative of the culture war and proudly Roman Catholic. He has brazenly exposed himself to public scrutiny; but there is a multiplicity of other influential personalities, working under deep cover in America, who are culture warriors subverting democracy.

CULTURE WAR WITHIN THE CHURCH OF ROME

Statements have been quoted in earlier passages of this paper which indicate antipathy on the part of Pope 'Francis to the culture war against non-Catholics; and yet his coddling of Opus Dei suggests that he does approve of the culture war concealed in the activism of secret societies. He is a Jesuit, and quite possibly disapproves of the open culture war which hampers his world evangelization program, while he encourages the subtle, sophisticated work of the secret societies which have penetrated the Legislatures and the Supreme Court. Thus, discord has been created within the Catholic world because of the open culture war, and Francis has been the primary target of the open warriors, both lay members and members of the hierarchy. These genuinely dislike and oppose Pope Francis. The following are examples of this papal aberration, and also of the role of billionaires in the opposition to Francis:

Don't like that pope? Read what he wrote

The whole world now knows that Pope Francis is more or less fed up with some of his critics. His comment about it being an "honor" to be attacked by conservative Catholics in the U.S. made that clear for all to see. Francis had just been presented with a copy of a new book by French author Nicolas Seneze, which catalogues conservative Catholic efforts, largely American, to influence this pope or to limit his influence and undermine his efforts. The fallout from the pope's comment is kind of fun to watch. Last week, EWTN host Raymond Arroyo began his hour-long show with an eight minute "commentary" that pronounced the pope's comment "troubling." I actually found the pope's candor refreshing.

Arroyo referred to a "string of lazy articles." He went on: "This is tired, and, frankly, a fact-free narrative." He complained that it had been peddled mostly by "Europeans and progressive Americans" and claimed these critics "make the mistake of casting orthodox Catholics in America as right-wingers, players in a political plot to undo the agenda of Francis." He countered this portrayal, saying, "The truth is much more simple. American Catholics actually believe what the church has always taught, and they're loud enough and have big enough platforms to broadcast that belief." Arroyo insisted that "all traditional Catholics have done is ask questions."

Arroyo unwittingly confirmed the thesis he was trying to debunk when he concluded: "The truth is this is all a craven attempt to demonize and purge voices form the church who dare to question the radical changes that are under way and the brutal tactics used to enact them." Radical changes? Brutal tactics?

To prove his claim to editorial balance, Arroyo played a tape of him of the night a year ago when he reported about Archbishop Carlo Maria Viganò in which he said, "I am a little squeamish about a pope resigning again." Huh? Had a former nuncio publicly demand that Pope Benedict XVI resign? Why add the word "again"? He did, to his credit, acknowledge there had been criticism of Viganò, but one year later, on a show just two weeks ago, Arroyo and his papal posse, Robert Royal and Fr. Gerald Murray, spent more than half the show defending Viganò and arguing that most of his claims had been proven true, when in fact, most of them had been proven false. . .

There is, indeed, a cabal among right-wing Catholics to undermine or minimize this pope and his teachings, and you could discover it merely by watching EWTN or reading its auxiliary media outlets. No one would have Cardinal Raymond Burke or German Cardinal Gerhard Müller on their show as an authoritative guest unless such undermining was the goal. No one would have Phil Lawler, who was the first guest on Arroyo's show last week, on their show as an expert unless undermining the pope was the objective. The two men enjoyed themselves complaining about all the damage they think Francis is doing to the church.

I wish to send Arroyo and other conservative Catholics an invitation, one that I received a long time ago and from which I derived enormous benefit. During the more conservative pontificates of John Paul II and Benedict XVII, friends encouraged me to read their writings with an open mind, not to dismiss them because they were so conservative. Of course, in the area of Catholic social teaching, there has been enormous continuity, not only across the last three pontificates but stretching all the way back to Pope Leo XIII. But, when I read some of the writings of Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, from his early work Introduction to Christianity to the trilogy on Jesus of Nazareth that he wrote while pope, I not only learned a great deal, I had my faith strengthened by the insights he discerned. Here is the column I wrote the day after his resignation. I was not yet a writer when Pope John Paul II issued Novo Millennio Ineunte, but I remember thinking it was a magnificent document that made me stretch in ways I would not have done if I had simply stuck to my more liberal Catholic texts.

So, instead of painting Francis in such a harsh and negative light, rather than poking fun at synods, or highlighting and even championing a score-settling text like Viganò's "testimony," I invite conservative Catholics to come to Francis and his teachings with an open heart and an open mind. I hope they might find, as I did with his conservative predecessors, an opportunity to stretch their faith, which always leads to an expansion and a deepening of that faith as well. It is a big church, and there is room for everybody. The alternative is the emergence of a sectarian, para-schismatic church in the United States. And, if a full-blown schism were to occur, its source would largely be found on EWTN. (Underscored emphasis added.)

The assertion of continuity in the area of Catholic social teaching stretching all the way back to Pope Leo XIII should be noted. The implication is that Pope Francis is no exception. There is clear evidence that the problem is not disagreement on the social teaching but the timing and application of it to the best advantage of Rome politically. Also involved are two ecumenical unions, one completed and the other far advanced but yet to be fully consummated. The one completed has characteristics which are in conflict with the ecumenical agenda of Pope Francis. The papacy is a world-wide religioo-political institution. As such it is open to political disagreements and rifts. There is also in the Church of Rome a practice known as Hegelian politics which is explained in the following essay, and applied to the Jesuit Pope Francis:

A Hegelian Papacy?

That deafening silence which hung over the Synod, a quiet that drowned out even the discordant clamor of some 200 Catholic prelates, was that of absent voice of Peter. Over the past two weeks, as we have observed the arguably prophetic contest of cardinals opposing cardinals. The figure most noticeably removed from the fray has, ironically, been the man sitting at the very center of it all. Indeed, even as we saw the Sacrament of Matrimony attacked and deeply profaned, watched closely as carefully crafted plans unfolded, and listened intently as a modern-day Paul rebuked Peter for his dereliction of duty, even then, in what might rightly have been called a supreme moment of need for the Church, the one who should have spoken remained silent.

But no longer.

As the Synod came to a close, the Holy Father at last stepped forward to offer what Catholics hoped would be the words of clarity so sorely needed by a Church seemingly awash in of confusion. Yet rather than placing a firm hand on the rudder of a barque that had truly begun to reel, the pope instead decided to assure the faithful that the spectacle of watching a ship tossed about by every wind of doctrine, was actually for “the good of the Church, of families, and the supreme law, the good of souls.”
How can we make sense of this? Precisely what good is done to souls by a synod that leads the faithful — invoking the pope as their authority — to hector their priests about permitting the impossible? To believe, as if it were possible, that the Church has changed her immutable teaching?

No good can come of such widely-sewn misconceptions, nor from the notion that fidelity to those same immutable teachings is nothing more than

a temptation to hostile inflexibility, that is, wanting to close oneself within the written word, (the letter) and not allowing oneself to be surprised by God, by the God of surprises, (the spirit); within the law, within the certitude of what we know and not of what we still need to learn and to achieve. From the time of Christ, it is the temptation of the zealous, of the scrupulous, of the solicitous and of the so-called – today – ‘traditionalists’

What conclusions can we draw from such language, and how does a Roman Pontiff apply the epithet “traditionalist”, not just to those he has allegedly chastised for their addiction to the “fashion” of the Tridentine Mass, but even to those who adhere to the papal teaching of St. John Paul II? How can adhering to the Church’s timeless teachings on marriage, sexuality, and the family be construed as “hostile inflexibility” rather than faithful docility?

Why would the pope do such thing? Perplexing as it may seem, for those who have been following this pontificate closely, the most obvious answer is also the most unsettling: Pope Francis gives every appearance that he wants to change the understanding and practice of Church teaching, and to this end he has already altered the discussion around his stated intentions with respect to the deposit of faith. (Could any of us imagine such a headline being written about any other pope?) . . .

For those unfamiliar with the work G.W.F. Hegel, scholars at the University of Chicago explain his philosophy of dialectic this way:

Hegel’s dialectic involves the reconciliation of ostensible paradoxes to arrive at absolute truth. The general formulation of Hegel’s dialectic is a three-step process comprising the movement from thesis to antithesis to synthesis. One begins with a static, clearly delineated concept (or thesis), then moves to its opposite (or antithesis), which represents any contradictions derived from a consideration of the rigidly defined thesis. The thesis and antithesis are yoked and resolved to form the embracing resolution, or synthesis.

Pope Francis’ final address provides us with a textbook example of the Hegelian dialectic at work. First, we have the thesis — namely, that on matters regarding marriage, sexuality, and the family, the Church should simply capitulate to the world and, in the name of mercy, adopt an attitude of pure permissiveness:

The temptation to come down off the Cross, to please the people, and not stay there, in order to fulfill the will of the Father; to bow down to a worldly spirit instead of purifying it and bending it to the Spirit of God… The temptation to a destructive tendency to goodness [it. buonismo], that in the name of a deceptive mercy binds the wounds without first curing them and treating them; that treats the symptoms and not the causes and the roots. It is the temptation of the “do-gooders,” of the fearful, and also of the so-called “progressives and liberals.”

Thus, with the thesis on the table representing one extreme, we move instead to the contrasting anti-thesis: the position that, with respect to marriage, sexuality, and the family, the Church should simply adhere to her time-honored Tradition, both in teaching and pastoral praxis. No changes or updating are necessary. As we have already seen, Francis rejects this position as:

[A] temptation to hostile inflexibility, that is, wanting to close oneself within the written word, (the letter) and not allowing oneself to be surprised by God, by the God of surprises, (the spirit); within the law, within the certitude of what we know and not of what we still need to learn and to achieve. From the time of Christ, it is the temptation of the zealous, of the scrupulous, of the solicitous and of the so-called – today – “traditionalists.”

The danger of these formulations is immediately clear. While the thesis actually represents an absurd fringe position — essentially, that the Church should adopt the wisdom of the world — the anti-thesis, rather than representing an equally absurd position (such as stoning adulterers and homosexuals) instead tries to suggest that the status quo in the Church — her immutable teachings on marriage, sexuality, and the family — is somehow the appropriate ideological foil to a call for complete moral compromise. As such, in an effort to achieve a sensible reconciliation between these two ostensibly ridiculous extremes, the Holy Father is now poised to offer a synthesis. . . (Expanded font in original; Underscored emphasis added.)

It seems logical to conclude that the synthesis is Rome at the pinnacle of world power. Thus we have unwitting clarification from a conservative Roman Catholic source of the puzzling, contradictory aspects of Francis' papacy. He is a Jesuit, and comfortable in the practice of Hegelian politics. He accommodates both the "left-wing" of apparent liberalization of Rome's posture on the world stage since Vatican II, (thesis) and the anti-democratic, secretive right-wing activism of Opus Dei (antithesis,) the extreme right-wing "ecumenism of hate" being a premature exposure of threatening tyranny. The objective of both thesis and antithesis is world power:

OPUS DEI IN THE USA [N.B. To the reader of the full article: Adventistlaymen.com vigorously disagrees with the statement in Para. 2 that "Americans United for Separation of Church and State is a wicked secular humanist organization."]:

What the Jesuit Order is for the left wing of the Roman Catholic Church, Opus Dei is for its right wing. (Hegelian politics at its finest, the Roman Catholic Church cannot lose if it has strong ties with both ends of the political spectrum! Of course, to work it requires Protestants to be duped into political alliances with heretics.) (Underscored emphasis added.)

An essay written by Antonio Spadaro SJ, and Marcelo Figueroa, a Protestant pastor, illustrates this fact and throws down the gauntlet against the Religious Right in America in no uncertain terms. The passages quoted below do not completely present the tightly reasoned attack on the right-wing culture warriors:

EVANGELICAL FUNDAMENTALISM AND CATHOLIC INTEGRALISM: A SURPRISING ECUMENISM

In God We Trust. This phrase is printed on the banknotes of the United States of America and is the current national motto. It appeared for the first time on a coin in 1864 but did not become official until Congress passed a motion in 1956. A motto is important for a nation whose foundation was rooted in religious motivations. For many it is a simple declaration of faith. For others, it is the synthesis of a problematic fusion between religion and state, faith and politics, religious values and economy.

Religion, political Manichaeism and a cult of the apocalypse

Religion has had a more incisive role in electoral processes and government decisions over recent decades, especially in some US governments. It offers a moral role for identifying what is good and what is bad.

At times this mingling of politics, morals and religion has taken on a Manichaean language that divides reality between absolute Good and absolute Evil. In fact, after President George W. Bush spoke in his day about challenging the “axis of evil” and stated it was the USA’s duty to “free the world from evil” following the events of September 11, 2001. Today President Trump steers the fight against a wider, generic collective entity of the “bad” or even the “very bad.” Sometimes the tones used by his supporters in some campaigns take on meanings that we could define as “epic.” . . .

The term “evangelical fundamentalist” can today be assimilated to the “evangelical right” or “theoconservatism” and has its origins in the years 1910-1915. In that period a South Californian millionaire, Lyman Stewart, published the 12-volume work The Fundamentals. The author wanted to respond to the threat of modernist ideas of the time. He summarized the thought of authors whose doctrinal support he appreciated. He exemplified the moral, social, collective and individual aspects of the evangelical faith. His admirers include many politicians and even two recent presidents: Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush.

Another interesting aspect is the relationship with creation of these religious groups that are composed mainly of whites from the deep American South. . .

Theirs is a prophetic formula: fight the threats to American Christian values and prepare for the imminent justice of an Armageddon, a final showdown between Good and Evil, between God and Satan. In this sense, every process (be it of peace, dialogue, etc.) collapses before the needs of the end, the final battle against the enemy. And the community of believers (faith) becomes a community of combatants (fight). Such a unidirectional reading of the biblical texts can anesthetize consciences or actively support the most atrocious and dramatic portrayals of a world that is living beyond the frontiers of its own “promised land.” . . .

Theology of prosperity and the rhetoric of religious liberty

Pastor Norman Vincent Peale (1898-1993) is an important figure who inspired US Presidents such as Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan and Donald Trump. . .

A third element, together with Manichaeism and the prosperity gospel, is a particular form of proclamation of the defense of “religious liberty.” The erosion of religious liberty is clearly a grave threat within a spreading secularism. But we must avoid its defense coming in the fundamentalist terms of a “religion in total freedom,” perceived as a direct virtual challenge to the secularity of the state.

Fundamentalist ecumenism

Appealing to the values of fundamentalism, a strange form of surprising ecumenism is developing between Evangelical fundamentalists and Catholic Integralists brought together by the same desire for religious influence in the political sphere.

Some who profess themselves to be Catholic express themselves in ways that until recently were unknown in their tradition and using tones much closer to Evangelicals. They are defined as value voters as far as attracting electoral mass support is concerned. There is a well-defined world of ecumenical convergence between sectors that are paradoxically competitors when it comes to confessional belonging. This meeting over shared objectives happens around such themes as abortion, same-sex marriage, religious education in schools and other matters generally considered moral or tied to values. Both Evangelical and Catholic Integralists condemn traditional ecumenism and yet promote an ecumenism of conflict that unites them in the nostalgic dream of a theocratic type of state.

However, the most dangerous prospect for this strange ecumenism is attributable to its xenophobic and Islamophobic vision that wants walls and purifying deportations. The word “ecumenism” transforms into a paradox, into an “ecumenism of hate.” Intolerance is a celestial mark of purism. Reductionism is the exegetical methodology. Ultra-literalism is its hermeneutical key

Clearly there is an enormous difference between these concepts and the ecumenism employed by Pope Francis with various Christian bodies and other religious confessions. His is an ecumenism that moves under the urge of inclusion, peace, encounter and bridges. This presence of opposing ecumenisms – and their contrasting perceptions of the faith and visions of the world where religions have irreconcilable roles – is perhaps the least known and most dramatic aspect of the spread of Integralist fundamentalism. Here we can understand why the pontiff is so committed to working against “walls” and any kind of “war of religion.

The temptation of “spiritual war”

The religious element should never be confused with the political one. Confusing spiritual power with temporal power means subjecting one to the other. An evident aspect of Pope Francis’ geopolitics rests in not giving theological room to the power to impose oneself or to find an internal or external enemy to fight. There is a need to flee the temptation to project divinity on political power that then uses it for its own ends. Francis empties from within the narrative of sectarian millenarianism and dominionism that is preparing the apocalypse and the “final clash.”[2] Underlining mercy as a fundamental attribute of God expresses this radically Christian need.

Francis wants to break the organic link between culture, politics, institution and Church. Spirituality cannot tie itself to governments or military pacts for it is at the service of all men and women. Religions cannot consider some people as sworn enemies nor others as eternal friends. Religion should not become the guarantor of the dominant classes. Yet it is this very dynamic with a spurious theological flavor that tries to impose its own law and logic in the political sphere.

There is a shocking rhetoric used, for example, by the writers of Church Militant, a successful US-based digital platform that is openly in favor of a political ultraconservatism and uses Christian symbols to impose itself. This abuse is called “authentic Christianity.” And to show its own preferences, it has created a close analogy between Donald Trump and Emperor Constantine, and between Hillary Clinton and Diocletian. The American elections in this perspective were seen as a “spiritual war.”[3]

This warlike and militant approach seems most attractive and evocative to a certain public, especially given that the victory of Constantine – it was presumed impossible for him to beat Maxentius and the Roman establishment – had to be attributed to a divine intervention: in hoc signo vinces.

Church Militant asks if Trump’s victory can be attributed to the prayers of Americans. The response suggested is affirmative. The indirect missioning for President Trump is clear: he has to follow through on the consequences. This is a very direct message that then wants to condition the presidency by framing it as a divine election. In hoc signo vinces. Indeed.

Today, more than ever, power needs to be removed from its faded confessional dress, from its armor, its rusty breastplate. The fundamentalist theopolitical plan is to set up a kingdom of the divinity here and now. And that divinity is obviously the projection of the power that has been built. This vision generates the ideology of conquest.

The theopolitical plan that is truly Christian would be eschatological, that is it applies to the future and orients current history toward the Kingdom of God, a kingdom of justice and peace. This vision generates a process of integration that unfolds with a diplomacy that crowns no one as a “man of Providence.”

And this is why the diplomacy of the Holy See wants to establish direct and fluid relations with the superpowers, without entering into pre-constituted networks of alliances and influence. In this sphere, the pope does not want to say who is right or who is wrong for he knows that at the root of conflicts there is always a fight for power. So, there is no need to imagine a taking of sides for moral reasons, much worse for spiritual ones.

Francis radically rejects the idea of activating a Kingdom of God on earth as was at the basis of the Holy Roman Empire and similar political and institutional forms, including at the level of a “party.” Understood this way, the “elected people” would enter a complicated political and religious web that would make them forget they are at the service of the world, placing them in opposition to those who are different, those who do not belong, that is the “enemy.”

So, then the Christian roots of a people are never to be understood in an ethnic way. The notions of roots and identity do not have the same content for a Catholic as for a neo-Pagan. Triumphalist, arrogant and vindictive ethnicism is actually the opposite of Christianity. The pope on May 9 in an interview with the French daily La Croix, said: “Yes Europe has Christian roots. Christianity has the duty of watering them, but in a spirit of service as in the washing of feet. The duty of Christianity for Europe is that of service.” And again: “The contribution of Christianity to a culture is that of Christ washing the feet, or the service and the gift of life. There is no room for colonialism.”

Against fear

Which feeling underlies the persuasive temptation for a spurious alliance between politics and religious fundamentalism? It is fear of the breakup of a constructed order and the fear of chaos. Indeed, it functions that way thanks to the chaos perceived. The political strategy for success becomes that of raising the tones of the conflictual, exaggerating disorder, agitating the souls of the people by painting worrying scenarios beyond any realism.

Religion at this point becomes a guarantor of order and a political part would incarnate its needs. The appeal to the apocalypse justifies the power desired by a god or colluded in with a god. And fundamentalism thereby shows itself not to be the product of a religious experience but a poor and abusive perversion of it.

This is why Francis is carrying forward a systematic counter-narration with respect to the narrative of fear. There is a need to fight against the manipulation of this season of anxiety and insecurity. Again, Francis is courageous here and gives no theological-political legitimacy to terrorists, avoiding any reduction of Islam to Islamic terrorism. Nor does he give it to those who postulate and want a “holy war” or to build barrier-fences crowned with barbed wire. The only crown that counts for the Christian is the one with thorns that Christ wore on high.[4] (Underscored emphasis added.)

The authors of this essay are described in Two associates of Pope Francis accuse right-wing American Christians of practising 'apocalyptic' politics, as "close associates" of the Pope, and Figueroa as "a Protestant pastor who worked closely with Francis in Buenos Aires." The link is quite clear.

An array of Roman Catholic publications in America have supported the essay, including the following: The Civilta article: FINALLY!; Vatican article on ‘ecumenism of hate’ in U.S. was long overdue; Manichean-style hatred must be resisted on both left and right.

As much as some of the essay is worthy of commendation, the attempt to divorce this current papacy from its roots in Imperial Rome is not credible. The Holy See cannot be severed from its connection with Romulus and Remus and the warrior history of papal Rome.

Paradoxically it was the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) who launched the “ecumenism of hate” in the culture war by the publication of their "Pastoral Plan" in 1975, followed by their blessing of the "Moral Majority" alliance with the Evangelicals.

The two authors published a follow-up article in 2018:

Spadaro and Figueroa rile the Christian right again in new essay

Jesuit Fr. Antonio Spadaro and Rev. Marcelo Figueroa are at it again. Last year, their provocative essay, "Evangelical Fundamentalism and Catholic Integralism: A Surprising Ecumenism," caused all manner of discomfort to religious Americans by forcing us to confront the reduction of religion to ethics and thence to politics that had become so dominant in our culture. Now, with the publication of "The Prosperity Gospel: Dangerous and Different," they are stirring up trouble again. Happily.

Right out of the box, they level their indictment against the prosperity gospel's theology: "The risk of this form of religious anthropocentrism, which puts humans and their well-being at the center, is that it transforms God into a power at our service, the Church into a supermarket of faith, and religion into a utilitarian phenomenon that is eminently sensationalist and pragmatic," they write. Indeed, it is almost a category mistake to call this theology. It is a projection of our most crass and materialistic desires onto the Godhead.

One of the reasons that Spadaro and Figueroa rile so many on the right is that they eschew the false politeness that regrettably characterizes too much writing on the Catholic left. So, when they catalogue the many and varied sources of the prosperity gospel and they come to Norman Vincent Peale, they write straightforwardly that he "gained an enormous following with his books whose titles speak for themselves: The Power of Positive Thinking, You Can If You Think You Can, A Guide to Confident Living. Peale was a successful preacher and managed to mix marketing and preaching." Speak for themselves, indeed.

Interestingly, while they earlier cite President Trump and how his invocation of "the American Dream" dovetails with the prosperity gospel in significant ways, the authors fail to note that the Trump family began attending Peale's Marble Collegiate Church in the 1950s precisely because they warmed to his preaching. Peale presided at Trump's first wedding and his successor did the honors at Trump's second wedding. Now, as then, I render the same verdict that Adlai Stevenson rendered on Rev. Peale after the preacher warned against voting for John Kennedy because of his Catholicism. "Speaking as a Christian," said Stevenson, "I find Paul appealing and Peale appalling."

The authors, nonetheless, have done an admirable job collecting the observations of other theologians on the subject. My favorite comes from James Goff in Christianity Today who said the prosperity gospel reduces God the Father to "a sort of 'cosmic bellhop' that responds to the needs and desires of his creatures." Ouch.

Among the theological anchors of the prosperity gospel is a consequentialism rooted in an essentially Pelagian understanding of salvation. Their proof text for this line of thinking is Galatians 6:7 "Do not be deceived; God is not mocked, for you reap whatever you sow." But, as Spadaro and Figueroa point out, if the prosperity preachers and their flocks would just keep reading, they would encounter this — in the very next verse — in Galatians: "If you sow to your own flesh, you will reap corruption from the flesh; but if you sow to the Spirit, you will reap eternal life from the Spirit." Not for the first, nor the last, is preaching confused with cherry picking by some of our Protestant brethren. Thank God for the lectionary, which makes such proof texting more difficult.

Prosperity preachers also like to cite Deuteronomy 28:1-14, which lists the blessings God will bestow upon those who follow his commandments. This is the ground from which springs the prosperity gospel's understanding of covenant. Interestingly, Joseph Ratzinger, later Pope Benedict XVI, for whom the concept of covenant was also central, likewise turned to the 28th chapter of Deuteronomy as a critical text for his theology, but he focused on the verses that follow, in which God details the curses he will visit upon his people for their disobedience. Ratzinger, also, brought immense theological sophistication to his reading of these Hebrew Scriptures.

The part of this essay that will cause the most agita in certain circles is the linkage between "the American Dream" and the prosperity gospel, a linkage that the authors portray as essential — that is, it is hard to imagine the prosperity gospel getting its start in any other country — but in no way pre-determined. (Perhaps it is better to say in this context, predestined.) The authors do not mock the desire for a better life that has brought millions of people to America's shores. Catholic social teaching enshrines the belief in a living wage as well as the right of people to migrate when violence, including the violence of poverty, requires them to leave their homeland. Besides, the aspiration to "come to America" was always about "yearning to breathe free" and not just about wages; there was a spiritual component, a commitment to human dignity that was not in addition to the hope for a decent livelihood, but of which that concern for a decent livelihood was a part.

But the authors recognize that materialism creates its own appetites, and the acquisitiveness of American culture is the factual rock upon which the ideology of neo-liberalism is built. Further, the authors note that it is just a small step from seeing America as a providential nation to seeing God's providence in one's getting a bigger bank account. Indeed, you could say the prosperity gospellers are the ones who mock the spiritual yearnings that were also part of the American Dream with their materialistic reductionism and their sense that it is not enough to be working class, earning a living wage. Nonetheless, I predict that Spadaro's critics, and they are many, will exaggerate what he and Figueroa say here to paint them as anti-American, which they are not. . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

As informative as the above partial quotation from the analysis of the authors' essay is, the rest of the analysis is also worth reading. Expressions of concern for the poor and marginalized is characteristic of the Jesuits.

As to the first essay's identification of billionaires with the "ecumenism of hate," and the exposure of their opposition to Pope Francis, the following illustrates this aspect:

The Rise of the Catholic Right

How right-wing billionaires are attempting a hostile takeover of the U.S. Catholic Church.

TTIMOTHY BUSCH IS A WEALTHY MAN with big ambitions. His version of the prosperity gospel, Catholic in content and on steroids, is a hybrid of traditionalist pieties wrapped in American-style excess and positioned most conspicuously in service of free market capitalism

Busch’s organization, the Napa Institute, and its corresponding foundation are among the most prominent of a growing number of right-wing Catholic nonprofits with political motivations. Such groups, some more extreme than others and all on the right to far-right side of the political and ecclesial spectrum, have in recent years muscled in on territory that previously was the largely unchallenged domain of the nation’s powerful Catholic bishops.

What Busch calls “in-your-face Catholicism” is often expressed amid multicourse meals followed by wine and cigar receptions, private cocktail parties for the especially privileged, traditional Catholic devotionals, Mass said in Latin for those so inclined, “patriotic rosary” sessions that include readings from George Washington and Robert E. Lee, and the occasional break for a round of golf.

Busch’s Catholic Right brand of American libertarianism aligns with some far-right leaders based in Italy who oppose Pope Francis and appear interested in joining forces to fashion an alternative to official Catholic leadership structures, which in this country means the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB). . .

Money, politics, and religion

Paralleling the ascendancy of the Religious Right out of 1980s evangelicalism, today’s Catholic Right is rising and well-financed. While pendulum swings are common between conservative and progressive tendencies in Catholicism, the 35-year traditionalist reign of popes John Paul II and Benedict XVI allowed the Far Right to flourish. In the United States, Catholics constitute the largest and most organized Christian denomination and include Catholic parishes, schools and universities, and hospitals. . .

For Christianity, money and power have been corrupting influences since Judas Iscariot accepted the silver in exchange for a betrayal. In Roman Catholicism, from the times of the Medicis and Borgias up to more recent scandals—such as when the Legionaries of Christ used large sums of money to buy influence (and a temporary buffer from scrutiny) in the Vatican—the mix has produced high art, toxic papacies, and distortions of the gospel and of church teaching. . .

In the United States today, influence is not peddled through royal families and palace intrigues, but often through a peculiarly American construct—the nonprofit sector, which has exploded in recent decades with a particular emphasis on politics. Traditional groups such as the Knights of Columbus continue to make substantial charitable contributions, but its capacity for funding has given the Knights an inordinately loud voice, unmatched by other lay groups. It has millions to send to dioceses in need, or to clean the façade of St. Peter’s Basilica in Rome—or for other purposes.

With that kind of financial power, no one in the hierarchy is likely to object when the Knights appropriate funds for politically conservative think tanks, news agencies, and even the Federalist Society, an organization that advocates for conservative justices, with no connection to anything religious or charitable. Nor did any bishops question a communiqué supporting Judge Brett Kavanaugh for a seat on the Supreme Court.

Newer groups—including the Napa Institute, Legatus (launched by Domino’s Pizza founder Thomas Monaghan), and the Acton Institute—use the nonprofit designation to push an extreme libertarian economic agenda. Their devotion to individualism, unrestricted capitalism, and diminishment of government services, especially to the poor and marginalized, runs counter to the central tenets of Catholic social teaching.

“I think we’re in a kind of brave new world where these groups really are setting themselves up as authorities above the authorities,” said Stephen Schneck, former director of the Institute for Policy Research and Catholic Studies at the Catholic University of America (and a Sojourners board member). “I don’t know how else to say that. They’re challenging the legitimacy of existing structures of authority and trying to fill that space with their own agenda and their own people.” . . .

The decline of the bishops

The eruption of independent groups may not have been that surprising in the Protestant world where evangelical leaders and their movements, taking up issues on the margins of society and church, often exercised a degree of suspicion about mainline denominations.

In the rigidly hierarchical Catholic world, on the other hand, dissent was often smothered beneath the rubric of Catholic unity. Since its founding in 1917 (as the National Catholic War Council) to ensure Catholic support for World War I, the U.S. Catholic bishops’ conference has been one of the most powerful religious organizations in the country. Until recently, the Catholic clerical culture, particularly at the bishops’ level, was able to present a united and authoritative front when speaking on social and political issues.

The phenomenon of independent organizations challenging the established Catholic authority emerged in the 1980s, just as the U.S. bishops were at the apex of their power as a teaching body, addressing major issues of the day. In 1983, the bishops released a far-reaching pastoral on modern warfare, the result of broad consultation with lay experts. They followed in 1986 with a pastoral letter titled “Economic Justice for All,” a document anchored in a century of Catholic social teaching and highly critical of President Ronald Reagan’s economic policies—and completely unwelcome to the 1980 vice-presidential candidate for the Libertarian Party, David H. Koch.

The ascendancy of the Catholic Right, Schneck said, is rooted in the bishops’ letter on economics. Countering the pastoral letter, he said, marked “the beginning of the conservative efforts to create their own magisterium [teaching authority] on the side.”

Well before the pastoral letter was published, Michael Novak, a leading conservative Catholic scholar with the American Enterprise Institute, another nonprofit that has become an influential voice in the religion conversation, and William E. Simon, treasury secretary under Richard Nixon, began attacking the document and its support for government policies that aid the poor. Novak and Simon presented an 80-page rebuttal arguing that church teaching supported free enterprise. The paper appeared before the first draft of the pastoral was even released.

The USCCB’s diminished role is due in part, said Schneck, to a “tremendous turnover of staff in recent decades” that “undercut the organization’s ability to do staff-level work. And frankly, for all sorts of reasons, some of the bishops themselves are less supportive of the USCCB’s public and policy applications ... the role the USCCB might play in American public life and politics has been dramatically pulled in for all sorts of reasons.

Among those reasons was a document by Pope John Paul II in 1998 that dramatically reduced the authority of national bishops’ conferences and their ability to address major social issues. John Paul’s appointments to the episcopacy also tended to be men less inclined to take on cultural issues other than abortion and, more recently, gay marriage and religious liberty. Another reason for the diminished role of the U.S. conference these days is the bishops’ preoccupation with a disaster of their own making, the clergy sex abuse crisis. . .

Attacking Pope Francis

During previous pontificates, Busch was all-in on loyalty to the pope and the teaching authorities of the church. In the era of Pope Francis, however, he has associated himself with right-wing Catholic efforts to discredit the pope using the largely debunked accusations of Archbishop Carlo Maria Viganò, the former papal ambassador to the United States. In one of several letters criticizing the pope, Viganò urged Francis to step down. . .

A right-wing phenomenon

Since their emergence in the 1980s, right-wing Catholic groups, with their deep alliances among the bishops themselves, have achieved a prominence that essentially makes them an alternative to the U.S. bishops’ conference. Schneck said that it has become “increasingly difficult to identify the line between this conservative Catholic deployment of organizations and the official institutions of the church in America.”

In a bizarre turn, we now have Catholic groups accusing the pope of betraying the church and calling for him to resign, as well as initiating what amounts to hate group activity against gays and others in church settings. Money, and the power of U.S. nonprofits, has given extreme-right Catholics new means of communicating to the wider world what they think the Catholic narrative should be. That generally, but not always, is confined to sexual issues—abortion, gay rights, the rights of divorced and remarried people within the church. . .

If the bishops allow the extreme-right groups to continue unchallenged, Schneck said, their influence will only increase, and they’ll be able to “claim legitimacy and their own authority in making their pronouncements. Because they have the money and because the church always needs money at every level, the doors will continue to be open to them to interact with the church.”

And the money, he said, resides mostly on the right of the ecclesial and political spectrums. He sees nothing of similar ideological heft or funding on the left. “Maybe,” he said, “it’s because progressives have just given up on the church and aren’t willing to contribute a dime to anything that might go toward it.” (Underscored emphasis added.)

Assuming that they are in decline as asserted above, the Bishops of the USCCB have been "hoisted on their own petard" (blown up by their own bomb,) although they will undoubtedly survive.

The following essay addresses how divorced from true Christianity the unbridled pursuit of wealth is, although the use of the word "trope" in the first sentence downgrades the categorical warnings in the Bible against the love of money, and in the second sentence the writer confuses the Apostle Paul with Jesus Christ:

My Turn: The Catholic right, the religious right and the corruptions of wealth

One of the unmistakable, yet slighted, tropes in the Bible is the warning against the perils of money and affluence.

Jesus himself cautioned that the love of money is the root of all evil and that a rich person has about as much chance gaining entry into the kingdom of heaven as a camel successfully negotiating the aperture of a needle.

I wonder how many sermons over the centuries have been devoted to scaling back those declarations, explaining them away so that the affluent in the pews would not feel uncomfortable – and would not suspend their contributions. More to the point, I’d love to know how many such sermons have been preached (or the texts avoided altogether) in the past several decades.

I recall many sermons about camels and the eyes of needles during my evangelical childhood. I haven’t heard such a sermon in years. Since 1980, to be exact.

Now, finally, the bills are coming due. Two of the largest and most influential religious movements in American history – the Roman Catholic Church and evangelicalism – are facing their own crises over the corrosive effects of money.

The cover story in the current issue of Sojourners magazine is entitled “How Right-Wing Billionaires are Attempting a Hostile Takeover of the Catholic Church.” Reported and written by my longtime friend and former colleague Tom Roberts, the story explores the intricate tangle of money, politics, organizations and billionaires seeking to push Catholicism away from its venerable tradition of Catholic social teaching, with its concern for the poor and the rights of workers, toward a fulsome embrace of free-market capitalism.

Such views contradict Catholic doctrine. “God blesses those who come to the aid of the poor and rebukes those who turn away from them,” according to the Catechism of the Catholic Church. “A theory that makes profit the exclusive norm and ultimate end of economic activity is morally unacceptable; the disordered desire for money cannot but produce perverse effects.”

A growing number of Catholic individuals, however, don’t see it that way.

Timothy Busch, founder of the Napa Institute, which aspires to “equip Catholic leaders to defend and advance the Catholic faith in the next America,” favors libertarian economics and has endowed the Busch School of Business at Catholic University of America. The Napa Institute in turn sponsored an event at the school called “Good Profit,” honoring a book by the same name written by Charles Koch, who may represent the embodiment of what the Catechism calls “disordered desire for money.”

The monied web of right-wing influence in the Catholic Church extends to Tom Monaghan, founder of Domino’s Pizza; Steve Bannon, Donald Trump’s former adviser; and the “supreme knight” of the Knights of Columbus, Carl Anderson, who began his career working for the late Jesse Helms, the far-right senator from North Carolina. [Jesse Helms died in 2008.]

The Knights of Columbus expends millions of dollars on charity, but it also funds such hard-right organizations as the Ethics and Public Policy Center, the Federalist Society and the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty, which battled the contraceptive mandate of the Affordable Care Act, even though most Catholic entities, including the Catholic Health Association, said the accommodations offered by the Obama administration were sufficient.

This Catholic right network extends into the College of Cardinals, especially James Harvey and Raymond Burke, and to Carlo Maria Viganò, the archbishop who was removed by Francis as the papal ambassador to the United States. Viganò, with the support of Busch and other conservatives, has called on Francis to resign, essentially because he’s too “liberal” on matters like poverty, sexuality and climate change.

As Roberts writes in the Sojourners article, “While pendulum swings are common between conservative and progressive tendencies in Catholicism, the 35-year traditionalist reign of popes John Paul II and Benedict XVI allowed the Far Right to flourish.” . . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

There is yet another cause of dissension in American Roman Catholicism that is related to the culture war, but separate from it. It has existed for well over a century, and it has a profound bearing on the result of the presidential election. The pendulum has temporarily swung away from the "ecumenism of hate" towards the Hegelian "left-wing" Pope Francis.

"AMERICANISM" AND ITS CURRENT IMPACT

The election result has again focused attention on Americanism:

‘Americanism’: Phantom Heresy or Fact?

On Jan. 22, 1899, Pope Leo XIII sent Cardinal James Gibbons of Baltimore, leader of the American hierarchy, a document in the form of a letter whose opening words in Latin were Testem Benevolentiae (In Witness to Good Will). “It is clear, our beloved son,” Pope Leo wrote, “that those opinions that, taken as a whole, some designate as ‘Americanism’ cannot have our approval.”

Appalled, Cardinal Gibbons held up the document’s release in the United States for a week, until the publication of excerpts originating overseas forced his hand and moved him to give it to The Baltimore Sun. In a letter to a friend, the cardinal called it “very discouraging … that the American Church is not understood abroad.”

But the bishops of the Milwaukee province, a center of German-American Catholicism, said the errors condemned by Pope Leo were real.

The story of the condemnation of “Americanism” is notably tangled. Even today, accounts of this crucial episode in Church history are often incomplete and biased. As the Americanization of U.S. Catholics becomes a matter of increasing contemporary concern, we need to get this story right.

Troubling reports drifted to Rome from the United States during the 1890s, and concern grew at the Vatican regarding conditions in the Church in America as well as American Catholicism’s influence on Catholics in Europe, especially in France. As the 19th century was drawing to a close, this anxiety hardened into suspicion of the Americanists and their French admirers.

In January 1895, Leo XIII fired a warning shot across the Americanist bow in the form of a letter to the Church in America. Lavishing praise on America and American Catholicism, the Pope nevertheless cautioned against things like divorce and secret societies and against presenting American-style separation of church and state as the ideal arrangement everywhere. The message to Americanists: Don’t push too hard.

Infighting intensified in the next several years. So did the Pope’s concern.

The immediate occasion for Testem Benevolentiae appears to have been the publication in 1896 of a French translation of a shortened version of a biography of Father Isaac Hecker, the American founder of the Paulist order, who had died in 1888. The book carried a long, provocative preface by a liberal French priest named Felix Klein. It went through six printings in a matter of months and touched off heated controversy.

Hailing Father Hecker as a world-class innovator, Father Klein ranked him among history’s “great religious figures” while setting out his thinking with what a later biographer calls “considerable exaggeration.” That included the notion that individuals could count on having the direct, personal inspiration of the Holy Spirit and spiritual directors should encourage them to do so. Father Klein called it an “American idea … God’s will for all civilized people of our time.

It’s an interesting question whether the views singled out for criticism in Testem Benevolentiae were those of Father Hecker, his biographer, Father Klein or all three. Taking them together, Pope Leo called them “Americanism,” and he condemned them. . .

But Leo XIII’s critique is more substantial than apologists for Americanism care to admit. Much of it, in fact, is pertinent to conditions in American Catholicism today.

One set of condemned ideas concerns ranking natural virtues above supernatural ones, along with a division of virtues into “passive” and “active” that gives preference to the latter as more suited to modern times. The Pope says this fosters “contempt … for the religious life” and the disparagement of religious vows. Here, one might say, is a Victorian anticipation of the crisis that has afflicted religious life in the United States over the last half century.

Turning to the origins of Americanism, Leo XIII says it reflects a desire to attract to the Church “those who dissent.” Central to it, he adds, is the idea that the Church — “relaxing its old severity” — must “show indulgence” to new opinions, including even those that downplay “the doctrines in which the deposit of faith is contained.”

Leo XIII’s reply is that how flexible the Church can and should be is not up to individuals but rests with “the judgment of the Church.” Opposing this orthodox view, he notes, is the modern error that everyone could decide for himself, inasmuch as the Holy Spirit today gives individuals “more and richer gifts than in times past” — no less than “a kind of hidden instinct” in religious matters.

All this and more was the Americanism condemned by the Pope

On March 17, 1899, Cardinal Gibbons sent Leo XIII a letter thanking him for his document but insisting that no one in America held the views it condemned.

In truth, it is unlikely that men like the cardinal of Baltimore, Archbishop John Ireland of St. Paul, Minn., and other prominent Americanists had much interest in such ideas. These men were builders and doers, not theorists, and they wanted to be loyal to the Church and to the Pope.

But there’s more to the story than that. Better than Leo XIII or anyone else could have known at the time, the opinions condemned in the papal letter have turned out to be widely held among American Catholics today.

That is the case with the notion that each individual member of the Church can decide religious questions for himself or herself and that this remarkable ability comes directly to each one from the Holy Spirit. This opens the door to “cafeteria Catholicism” — a name given to the pick-and-choose selectivity regarding Church teaching on faith and morals now found among many Catholics.

All of which is simply to say it looks very much as if Pope Leo XIII wasn’t wrong to condemn Americanism — he was just ahead of his time. (Underscored emphasis added.)

Americanism undoubtedly continues to be a thorn in the side of the papacy. It is a deadly challenge to the central autocratic principle on which the Church of Rome is founded. Note in particular Pope Leo XIII's letter dated January, 1895, which exposes the papacy's opposition to the separation of Church and State. This is the constitutional guarantee of religious and secular freedom within the constraints of the civil law. (Hence the importance of Opus Dei which has a dominant influence on the Supreme Court as the ultimate interpreter of the Constitution.) The following article underscores the Americanism problem of the Church:

Americanism: Then and Now

The Vatican spoke out authoritatively almost a century ago, but the lessons drawn from the American experience remain crucial for the Church today.

One hardly expects the 95th anniversary of a Church document to command a great deal of attention around the world-or even within the Church, for that matter-when almost no one reads the document in question these days. Still, when the 95th anniversary of rolled around early last year, it probably deserved better than the near total silence it received.

An apostolic letter addressed by Pope Leo XIII to Cardinal Gibbons of Baltimore and dated January 22, 1899, is the papal document that condemned "Americanism." Today the Americanist impulse reigns supreme in American Catholicism. That is not a bad career record for what has been called a "phantom heresy."

To be fair, the Americanists of the 19th century-men like Father Isaac Hecker, founder of the Paulists; Orestes Brownson, the convert journalist and social critic who lies buried in the chapel crypt at the University of Notre Dame; and Archbishop John Ireland of St. Paul, Minnesota-had no inkling of what would happen. They dreamed of evangelizing American culture, even as they faced the challenge of defending their Church against the slur that Catholicism could only be an alien force in a democratic, pluralistic society. . .

What is Americanism?

"There's not a dime's worth of difference between Catholics and their fellow Americans now in moral outlook or religious practice. We fornicate at the same rate. We divorce at the same rate. We abort our children at the same rate. We are materially rich and so, in true chauvinistic fashion, we claim favored-nation status before the Lord." That unflattering judgment appears in a recent article on Americanism by Father Rory Conley, a Washington, DC priest and student of Church history. Writing in (winter 1993), he calls what has happened "the triumph of Americanism over the Roman Catholic Church in this country." . . .

A case study

Consider the Knights of Columbus. . . . With 1.2 million members in the United States, this organization of American origin occupies a position of great importance in Catholic life. More than any other Church institution (with the possible exception of the parochial school), it is a distinctive expression of American Catholicism-one that tells much about the Church in this country. The Knights of Columbus were founded in 1882 in New Haven, Connecticut, by a young Irish-American priest, Father Michael J. McGivney, and a group of Irish-American laymen. Their choice of Columbus as patron was a true indicator of their intentions: a conscious symbolic affirmation of the compatibility of Catholicism and Americanism. Hadn't the Catholic Columbus arrived here in America first, well over a century before the (Protestant) Puritans reached Plymouth Rock? By putting the focus on the symbol of Columbus, argues historian Christopher J. Kauffman in his history of the K of C, Faith and Fraternalism, "this small group of New Haven Irish-American Catholics displayed their pride in America's Catholic heritage. The name Columbus evoked the aura of Catholicity and affirmed the discovery of America as a Catholic event."

In the years that followed, the Knights not only remained true to their original inspiration-the vision of their Church and their country forever linked-but the organization also functioned, practically speaking, as a powerful engine for the assimilation of several generations of Catholic immigrants into American culture. Irishmen, Germans, Poles, Italians, Slovaks-all became American as well as Catholic partly through the good offices of the K of C. Writes Kauffman:

From its origins to World War I, the Order's goals were most visibly expressed in its assertion of the social legitimacy and patriotic loyalty of Catholic immigrants [a striking instance of that is the Knights' "patriotic" Fourth Degree]. By accepting-indeed, extolling-the religious and ethnic pluralism of American society, by portraying Catholic citizenship as the highest form of American citizenship, by promoting American- Catholic culture...and by expressing a firm belief that the American Catholic experience has had a transforming effect upon Catholicism and upon American society, the Knights generally reflected the optimism characteristic of several ecclesiastical leaders associated with the "Americanist" posture in American Catholicism."

If the Knights' role in fostering the assimilation of Catholic immigrants diminished after the First World War, that was because Catholic immigration also diminished, thanks to changes in immigration law inspired (at least in part) by the nativist sentiment of the times. The basic affirmation-Catholicism and America are compatible- remained strong, so that in 1960 the Knights of Columbus took rich satisfaction from the fact that John E. Kennedy was a Fourth-Degree Knight.

A shift toward the counterculture

As the cultural revolution of the 1960s set in and progressed, however, the Knights' situation began to change. The change can be traced to-among other sources-the rhetoric of John W. McDevitt, Supreme Knight of the K of C in those years. McDevitt, who died last December at the age of 87, headed the organization from 1964 to 1977-by anyone's standards a stressful period in secular and ecclesiastical history. One measure of the times can be found in the increasingly negative tone of McDevitt's public comments about the Church's enemies within and without.

Responding in 1968 to the question, "Are the Knights progressive or conservative?" McDevitt argued that they were both: progressive on matters of social policy, "conservative in our reaction to those who lobby for causes which would rob our country of its ties to Judeo-Christian morality."

The inroads of secular humanism became a frequent McDevitt theme. In 1976, in one of his last major addresses as Supreme Knight, he lashed out at the Supreme Court as a source of much of the trouble. "Contrary to the original intent of a benign tolerance of all religions," he said, "the current court philosophy has forced government to take a position of negative neutrality on all religion." As a result, "we do have an established religion...the religion of irreligion-secular humanism, established and decreed by the courts." We have come a long way here from John Ireland's "glorious future... beneath the starry banner." . . .

The end of assimilation

Not all individual Knights of Columbus share the convictions and commitments of the organization's leadership; no group the size of the K of C enjoys uniformity like that. But these are the policies, the programs, and the principles of the Knights as a collective entity. Born in the late 19th century as a grassroots expression of the American Catholicism of that day, the K of C now is arguably the most strongly Roman Catholic institution of its size in the Church in the United States. Kauffman concludes his history with the observation: "Still grounded in a strong pride in the Catholic heritage of North America, Columbianism developed into a conscious cultivation of traditional Catholic loyalties to authority and of Catholic social and moral values in a society characterized by the decline of tradition." Having served for decades as a powerful force for cultural assimilation, the K of C now helps slow down what could otherwise be the terminal assimilation of American Catholics-their absorption to the vanishing point by the secular culture that surrounds and threatens to overwhelm them.

Plainly, the Knights of Columbus alone will not save the Catholic community in the United States from that fate. It remains to be seen whether anything will. Here and there, one sees signs of hope, especially in the increasing talk (if not yet action) regarding "Catholic identity." But the "American Church" is now dominant-so that, for example, the attenuated religious identity of those colleges that formerly called themselves "Catholic" and now tellingly call themselves colleges "in the Catholic tradition" occupies the mainstream albeit a mainstream in visible decline-of institutional Catholicism in the United States today.

For Catholics who regard this as a profoundly unhealthy state of affairs, there is an obvious conclusion. Roman Catholics in the United States must urgently explore the range of options open to them for practicing creative counterculturalism. Obvious models exist. These range from the Amish (separatism, flight-the deliberate effort to escape a corrupt and corrupting secular culture and raise walls against it) to the model of the Christian Coalition (aggressive engagement, in hopes of besting the adversary culture with political weapons). Does either model appeal to Roman Catholics of the United States? Is there some Catholic third way? Without panic, but in clear-eyed recognition of our parlous state, we need to begin talking about these things. If the Catholic Church in the United States means to survive, Americanism must finally- nearly a century after undertook to do the job be laid to rest. What comes next? (Underscored emphasis added.)

Note the profound implications of the last two sentences. It is a stark reminder of the ultimate despotism predicted in Rev. 13:11-17. However the final prophecy of the end is the event prophesied in Dan. 11:45. Events under Rev. 13 have been progressing so rapidly that covering them has diverted attention from the Daniel prophecy which is the very last sign that probation is about to close and the final apocalyptic events begin (Dan. 12:1.) It seems highly likely that a pause in the onward rush to consummate the theocratic dictatorship in America should be linked with the fulfillment of Dan. 11:45. Will Americanism play a major role? The religion and commitment of the man who has dethroned "Cyrus, the Chosen One" is significant:

Joe Biden’s Catholic politics are complicated—but deeply American

In spring of 1980, Pope John Paul II had one of the longest meetings of his fledgling papacy. It wasn’t with a world leader, a U.S. president or even a secretary of state. It was with a 37-year-old Joe Biden, a U.S. senator barely a year into his second term

According to a Catholic News Service account of the encounter, the pope shooed away Vatican aides several times when they attempted to interrupt the 45-minute conversation. After waving them out of the room, John Paul pulled his chair out from behind his desk to sit closer to Biden. The pontiff ribbed the senator about his age as the two discussed everything from the politics of Eastern Europe to the spread of communism in Latin America. Biden, a Roman Catholic from Pennsylvania coal country with an interest in foreign policy, listened intently.

But despite the thrill of meeting John Paul, there was one thing Biden refused to do: kiss the pope’s ring, a customary greeting when meeting an esteemed cleric. It was later revealed that it was Biden's mother who insisted he refrain, telling her son, “Don’t you kiss his ring.”

His refusal has become a hallmark of how Biden manages his faith, a throwback to a brand of mid-20th-century political Catholicism that eschews obsessive obedience to the Holy See on matters of policy. . .

“I’m as much a cultural Catholic as I am a theological Catholic,” Biden wrote in his book Promises to Keep: On Life in Politics. “My idea of self, of family, of community, of the wider world comes straight from my religion. It’s not so much the Bible, the beatitudes, the Ten Commandments, the sacraments, or the prayers I learned. It’s the culture.”

It’s a form of faith that experts describe as profoundly Catholic in ways that resonate with millions of American believers: It offers solace in moments of anxiety or grief, can be rocked by long periods of spiritual wrestling and is more likely to be influenced by the quiet counsel of women in habits or one’s own conscience than the edicts of men in miters.

Biden’s complicated relationship with the Catholic hierarchy is a slight reimagining of the Catholicism modeled by John F. Kennedy, the United States' first and only Catholic president who, like Biden, declined to kiss a pontiff's ring when he met Pope Paul VI at the Vatican in 1963. . .

“When John Kennedy ran for president, I remember being so proud that he was Catholic," Biden told the The News Journal of Wilmington, Delaware in 2005. "But he had to prove that he wasn’t ruled by his beliefs. I’m with John Kennedy on the role religion ought to play in politics.”

While serving on the Senate Judiciary Committee in 1982, he faced a decision on whether to forward to the full Senate a constitutional amendment that would allow states to pass new abortion restrictions and effectively overturn Roe v. Wade, a landmark Supreme Court decision on abortion. Biden voted for the resolution, but insisted in an impassioned speech that while he personally opposed abortion on religious grounds — “I’m probably a victim, or a product, however you want to phrase it, of my background,” he explained — he remained unsure if he had “a right to impose” his religious beliefs on others. . .

But in the years that followed, the line between public policy and private beliefs seemed to fluctuate. Biden voted against the anti-abortion amendment when it once again appeared before the Judiciary Committee in 1983, but in 1984, he backed an amendment praising the so-called Mexico City policy, which banned the use of federal money for foreign groups that provide abortion counseling or referrals. By 1987, advocates for abortion rights were already describing his voting record on the issue as “erratic.”

Biden's compartmentalization of faith and policy has become harder to maintain in recent years, especially after critics of pro-choice Catholic politicians became more vocal under John Paul and Pope Benedict XVI. In January, Biden was reportedly denied Communion at a South Carolina Catholic church due to his abortion stance. Shortly after Biden announced Kamala Harris, a Baptist, as his running mate, Bishop Thomas Tobin of Rhode Island tweeted: “First time in awhile that the Democratic ticket hasn’t had a Catholic on it. Sad.”

“In 1960, Americans needed reassurance that Rome wouldn’t control the Catholic candidate’s conscience, and would allow Kennedy to govern in the nation’s interest,” Imperatori said. “This year, it seems that some bishops will accept nothing less than full control of Catholic consciences, be they the candidate’s, or the voters’.” . . .

Biden, for his part, has occasionally shown a willingness to return the clerics’ barbs. When he met with Benedict in 2011, Biden reportedly chastised the pontiff for cracking down on nuns like Campbell who had backed the ACA in defiance of the bishops.

“You are being entirely too hard on the American nuns,” Biden told the pope, according to “You are being entirely too hard on the American nuns,” Biden told the pope, according to The New York Times. “Lighten up.”

Meanwhile, Biden’s personal connection to the faith remains a highly visible part of his political persona. He carries a rosary at all times, fingering it during moments of anxiety or crisis. When facing brain surgery after his short-lived presidential campaign in 1988, he reportedly asked his doctors if he could keep the beads under his pillow. Earlier this year, rival Pete Buttigieg noticed Biden holding a rosary backstage before a primary debate. . .

Biden, who also lost his first wife and a child in an automobile accident shortly after being elected to the U.S. Senate in 1972, talked about Beau’s death with Francis when the pontiff met with Biden’s extended family at the end of his 2015 U.S. visit. Biden later said the meeting with the pope “provided us with more comfort that even he, I think, will understand.”

When the two met again privately in St. Peter’s Basilica a year later during a Vatican conference on cancer, Ken Hackett, then ambassador to the Vatican, caught snippets of Francis offering “moving prayers and concerns about the vice president’s loss of a child.

“Your religion is complicated, but your faith is something that really motivates and moves you every day — and gives you the strength to carry on,” Hackett said.

But it’s the nuns and rank-and-file Catholics, not popes, whom Biden most often relies on for religious counsel, once telling Campbell that it is “nuns and Jesuits who keep me Catholic.” It’s a preference shared by many of his fellow faithful: In opinion polls, U.S. Catholics show significantly higher support for nuns than for bishops.

Catholics are also more likely to side with Biden on issues of abortion and sexuality than with the church hierarchy. According to a recent RealClear Opinion Research poll, 53% of Catholics don’t agree with the church that abortion is “intrinsically evil,” and 51% say it should be legal in all or most cases. A 2019 Pew Research poll found that a sizable majority of Catholics — 61% — approve of same-sex marriage.

There is also broad agreement where Biden’s beliefs and church teachings overlap. Recent surveys show that most Catholics oppose President Donald Trump’s border wall and believe climate change is not only caused by humans but is one of the major issues facing the world. (Underscored emphasis added.)

In this report is represented a Roman Catholic deeply devoted to his religious faith, including its superstitions. The Rosary includes mysteries, twenty of them added by Pope John-Paul II; but the greatest mystery of all is how intelligent, sophisticated men and women can devote themselves to such practices as "praying the Rosary." It also has its origin in paganism (Cf. The TRUTH about the rosary.) As to Biden's Roman Catholicism in general, the above report is also a depiction of Americanism in action. It also reveals Biden's high comfort level in face to face meetings with the Popes. This is surely a portent of his coming relationship with Pope Francis, especially since the Pope is a Jesuit.

Here the question of separation of Church and State arises. Biden has declared an Americanist support for separation of Church and State:

Joe Biden's Views on Church and State

From "The Fourth R: Conflicts Over Religion in American Public Schools" by Joan DelFattore (Yale University Press 2004):

At a 1995 Senate hearing on a proposed constitutional amendment that would have re-introduced school-sponsored prayer, among other forms of state-endorsed and state-subsidized religion, Senator Orrin Hatch argued that] [t]he government should foster spirituality . . . as an antidote to moral decay. Biden replied, "The coin of religious freedom, we must never forget, has two sides."

America is one of the most religious nations on Earth, he maintained, precisely because the government has stayed out of religion. In his view, the issue before the Senate was not whether religion was good but whether all Americans, including religious minorities, would benefit from increased government involvement with it. . .

From the Associated Press (August 2007):

Biden, a practicing Catholic, acknowledged that he rarely has talked about religion in his 34-year Senate career, but suggested that would change if he wins the Democratic presidential nomination.

Let me also add a quick summary of Senator Biden's record on some major church-state legislation that ultimately became law and some other church-state issues. Biden supported the Equal Access Act of 1984, the Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993, and the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998. As the first excerpt listed above indicates, Biden opposed the Istook amendment, a proposed amendment to the Constitution that was designed to reintroduce school-sponsored prayer and to allow other forms of government-endorsed and government-subsidized religion. The Istook amendment was defeated in 1998.

Biden criticized a court decision that held that the Pledge of Allegiance with the words "under God" violated the First Amendment. He has spoken against teaching intelligent design alongside evolution in public school science classrooms, and he supported Clinton administration efforts to help public school officials, parents, and students to better understand religion's place in public schools under the First Amendment.

From a Christian Science Monitor piece on how Biden's faith informs his public work (August 2007):

"The animating principle of my faith, as taught to me by church and home, was that the cardinal sin was abuse of power," he said in an interview with the Monitor. "It was not only required as a good Catholic to abhor and avoid abuse of power, but to do something to end that abuse."

The issues that have most engaged Biden in public life draw on those teachings, from halting violence against women to genocide. At a personal level, his faith provides him peace, he says. "I get comfort from carrying my rosary, going to mass every Sunday. It's my time alone," he says. . . .

But Biden believes he can bridge much of that divide. "My views are totally consistent with Catholic social doctrine," says Biden, a six-term Democratic senator from Delaware. "There are elements within the church who say that if you are at odds with any of the teachings of the church, you are at odds with the church. I think the church is bigger than that.". . .

"My idea of self, of family, of community, of the wider world comes straight from my religion. It's not so much the Bible, the beatitudes, the Ten Commandments, the sacraments, or the prayers I learned. It's the culture," he writes. . .

Biden was one of the first Catholic politicians of the Vatican II generation. From 1962 to 1965, the Vatican Council II produced documents that opened the door to ecumenical dialogue, freedom of religion and conscience, and greater involvement of the laity in affairs of the church, including saying the mass in English and more emphasis on individual Bible study.

"I was raised at a time when the Catholic Church was fertile with new ideas and open discussion about some of the basic social teaching of the Catholic Church," Biden says. "Questioning was not criticized; it was encouraged."

"[A Catholic teacher] led me to see that if you cannot defend your faith to reason, then you have a problem," Biden says. . .

On the Senate floor, the tough votes also came early and often. In his first term, Biden faced the first of many votes on whether to curtail abortion rights for women. As a freshman Democrat, he was approached by all sides. He told them that while he personally opposes abortion, he would not vote to overthrow the US Supreme Court's 1973 Roe v. Wade decision that gave women the right to terminate a pregnancy. Nor, however, would he vote to use federal funds to fund abortion.

"I don't think I have the right to impose my view – on something I accept as a matter of faith – on the rest of society," he writes in his autobiography. . . .

"Joe Biden is one of the most sincere Catholics I've known in my 40 years as a priest," says Monsignor William Kerr, executive director of the Claude Pepper Center at Florida State University. The two men met by chance outside Biden's Senate office and began a conversation on faith and politics that has continued nearly 30 years. Monsignor Kerr recounts a conversation with Biden on Pope John Paul II's efforts to discourage President Bush from going to war in Iraq. He says that Biden told him: "I just have to tell you the pope's wrong on this, I'm going with the president. That was morality, this is politics."
Looking back on this decision, he writes, "I made a mistake." He had "vastly underestimated" the incompetence of the Bush administration in its conduct of the war. The "fantasy" of remaking Iraq in the US image was a goal that could not be imposed on a "fragile and decimated country," he writes in his new book. Instead, Biden proposes a partition of Iraq along sectarian and ethnic lines to help restore security for Iraqis – and more robust international diplomacy to help sustain it.

Without taking a position on how Catholics should vote, Biden makes a case for staying connected to the church and its culture. "If I were an ordained priest, I'd be taking some issue with some of the more narrow interpretations of the Gospel being taken now," Biden says. "But my church is more than 2,000 years old. There's always been a tug of war among prelates and informed lay members."

Democratic Candidates on Religion, Denver Post (July 2007):

In 2005, Biden told The News Journal (Wilmington, Del.): "This is a nation founded on the idea of the separation of church and state. After 200 years, why the hell would you want to start messing with that?" Biden also stated that his religion is "part of my spirituality, part of my identity." However, Biden supports abortion rights and federal financing for embryonic stem-cell research, stances that run in opposition to those of his church.

Sen. Joe Biden (D-DE), on separation of church and state:

"It was not written to prohibit the government's acknowledgement of God. In my opinion, the court's decision is dead wrong."

Joe Biden on teaching intelligent design in public science classes (The Hotline, August 2005):

Pres. Bush's comments last week "supporting the teaching of intelligent design' alongside the theory of evolution in public school science classes has fueled concerns among some of the wall between religion" and gov't " could be breached. This is a nation founded on the idea of the separation of church and state. After 200 years, why . . . would you want to go messing with that?" (Underscored emphasis added.)

Joe Biden appears to be firmly committed to the constitutional separation of Church and State. Although only peripherally relevant to this paper, it is worthy of note that encroachments on the First Amendment by the motto "In God We Trust" and the Pledge of Allegiance are actually examples of pressure by Christian organizations to identify the United 'States as a "Christian" nation. The motto in its present form was promoted by the National Reform Association, a Protestant organization. The Pledge in its present form was promoted by the Roman Catholic Knights of Columbus. Anyone who wishes to be fully informed on the role of these two organizations in pressing for recognition of the United States as a "Christian" nation in violation of the Constitution will find this essay to be a comprehensive history of their successful advocacy: History of Motto “In God We Trust” and “Under God” in the Pledge of Allegiance.

The Christian Supremacists have been at work for a long time. President Elect Joe Biden shares the blind spot of jurists, politicians, and the body politic in general to the fact that the inclusion of "God" in the Motto and the Pledge of Allegiance has always been a religious exercise in violation of the separation of Church and State. It is the light of Bible prophecy which alerts to the involvement of Theocrats and their objectives.

The Theocrats are now facing a frustrating interruption of their headlong rush to complete and consolidate their absolute power over the American nation. It must be infuriating to the participants in the "ecumenism of hate" that a Roman Catholic who is committed to the separation of Church and State has dethroned their "Cyrus," "the one chosen by god." they hate him, as they also hate Pope Francis:

The Catholics Who Hate Joe Biden—And Pope Francis

Some of Trump’s most committed Catholic supporters have leveled dark charges against Biden as they battle to sway the vote in crucial swing states. And wait until you hear what they think of the pope.

Joe Biden or Donald Trump: Who’s the better Catholic? If this seems like an odd question to raise in the context of a race for the highest secular office in America—and a race in which one of the two candidates is Protestant—never mind. Both campaigns, and their surrogates, are hotly contesting the answer. . .

Of course, every presidential race since Roe v. Wade has featured tension between single-issue anti-abortion-rights Catholic voters and the more liberal, “social justice” Catholics who consider abortion just one issue of many. This time, though, the Catholic wars have greatly expanded. Trump’s amorality, and actions such as Attorney General Bill Barr’s resumption of the death penalty after a 20-year hiatus, have something to do with that: Liberal Catholics are now united in a kind of concentrated fury that conservatives have always directed at abortion. But another factor is the war within the Catholic Church in America—which has become more vicious and is fueled by the same forces that have wrought polarization and conspiracism in U.S. politics. While Joe Biden says he is fighting for the soul of the country, U.S. Catholics are fighting for the soul of their Church.

The president has aligned his reelection campaign with a proudly revanchist corner of the Church, one unfamiliar to many American Catholics, even those adamantly opposed to abortion. This faction’s positions on women, gay people, Muslims, immigration, socialism, and climate change are much closer to those of pro-Trump white evangelicals than to those of liberal Catholics, whom they consider not to be Catholics at all. Far from being bothered by Trump’s scuffles with the pope—Francis has called the president’s immigration policies “not Christian,” Trump has called him “disgraceful” for saying such a thing, and so onthese ultraconservatives applaud the attacks on the leader of their Church. To them, Francis is the embodiment of abhorrent modernist, globalist, even secularist values.

The effective leader of this part of the Church, which is both superglued to certainty and whirring with conspiracy, is Carlo Maria Viganò. “So honored by Archbishop Viganò’s incredible letter to me,” Trump tweeted in early June, to little general notice. “I hope everyone, religious or not, reads it!” Later, during one of the several White House interviews he has granted to EWTN, the conservative Catholic television network, the president lauded Viganò as a “great gentleman,” who’d written “a tremendous letter of support from the Catholic Church.” . . .

In late July, Trump appointed Taylor Marshall to his campaign’s Catholic Advisory Board. A Texan and convert to Catholicism, Marshall has long used YouTube to propagate a version of the faith that combines hard-core traditionalism with cloak-and-dagger intrigue. “From the year A.D. 33 to 2020, Catholicism has not changed one iota,” he stated in a recent video, terming those who disagree “algae, bacteria, goo.” In his new book, Infiltration: The Plot to Destroy the Church From Within, Marshall alleges a centuries-old plot to groom recruits to rise in the Church hierarchy, pervert its teachings, and thus empower the forces of global Freemasonry. He quotes admiringly from admonitions, laid down in the early 19th century by Pope Gregory XVI, against such notions as liberty of conscience and the separation of Church and state. As for Francis, Marshall depicts him as the culmination of “organized efforts” of the “enemies of Christ” to place a “pope for Satan on the Roman Chair of Saint Peter.”

Lately, Marshall has turned his prolific video-production efforts to promoting Viganò’s case against Biden—entwining it with the case against Francis. “They all want Joe Biden, who is a fake Catholic … on the so-called throne in Washington, D.C.,” he says of the pope and his liberal confreres, “so they can continue their agenda, which is to create the East-West globalism.” Translation: Deep-state China and deep-state America will converge with their Vatican enablers to do the devil’s work on Earth. . .

To take an arguably more germane page from history, John F. Kennedy had to go on television in 1960 to reassure voters that he was not too Catholic to serve as president. Sixty years later, Biden is compelled to reassure voters that he’s Catholic enough. Rarely, in this melee, has anyone paused to ask why Biden’s religion—not his character or morality, but his religion—is an issue in a political system carefully constructed by the Founders to prevent such tests of avowed faith. But maybe someone should. (All but one underscoring added; italics in the original.

What the facts reveal is that there is an alliance of right-wing Evangelicals and Roman Catholics, with some Jews, Mormons, and even some Secularists. The Secularists are presumably primarily interested in the political ideology of the Religious Right and not their theology. One may make an educated guess that they are mainly interested in wealth and power.

THE POWERS REVEALED IN REVELATION 13

The prophecies of Revelation 13 involve three powers. Of these three which are identified in the following study, the third creates an agent which is distinctly a separate entity, just as a human agent in contractual relationships is a different person from the principal person creating the agency. This is a critically important point in the context of the ultimate tyranny predicted in Revelation 13:

The Battle of the Great Day of God Almighty It is Pending!

Recent events and the forces at work behind the events as indicated in prophetic Scripture indicate that the final phase of the great controversy between Christ and Satan has begun. The final battle is pending. It dare not be overlooked that the revelation given to John on Patmos clearly and unequivocally stated that the "frog" symbols coming out of the mouth of the "dragon, ... and the beast" ... and the "false prophet" ... "are the spirits of devils" (Rev. 16:13-14). These spirits of evil gather the rulers of earth into one great combine or ecumenical assembly for the final phase of the "war" (Greek) of the great day of God Almighty. It begins by the "false prophet" suggesting to those who "dwell on the (prophetic) earth" that they should make an "image to the beast" (Rev. 13:14). . .

The book of Revelation designates three powers symbolically represented as the "dragon," the "beast," and the "false prophet" which vomit out "frogs," which are defined as "spirits of devils" which in turn "go forth unto the kings of the earth and of the whole world to gather them to the battle (πλεμος - war) of that great day of God Almighty" (Rev. 16:14). They are gathered "together into the place which is called in Hebrew, Har-Magedon" (verse 16, ARV)..

These powers - the dragon, beast, and false prophet - are defined symbolically in chapters 12 and 13, and placed in a locality, "heaven," "sea," or "earth." In the 12th Chapter, "heaven" is used either as the screen on which the drama is portrayed (vs. 1, 3) or heaven itself from which is heard "a loud voice" (verse 10). Beginning with verse 12, the warfare is transferred to the earth and sea, a "beast" rising "up out of the sea (13:1);" and a second beast "coming up out of the earth" (13:11). This second beast is designated as the false prophet. Compare Rev. 13:14 with 19:20. . .

A simple identification of the "beast" is: it is the religious power which arose from the prophetic "sea" and for "forty and two months" (13:5) used the state to carry out its agenda until the state turned on her and inflicted a "deadly wound." The "image to the beast" would be the creation of a government in the prophetic "earth" which would carry out the agenda of the "false prophet." To this end the "religious right" has been seeking to create through the Christian Coalition a theocratic government which will enact and force their agenda on the people of the United States of America revoking the liberty and freedom so long enjoyed by those dwelling in the prophetic "earth."

A perceptive, documented, analysis of the current situation in the prophetic "earth" is to be found in the Yurica Report prepared by Katherine Yurica, a lawyer, and her Editorial and Research Assistant, Laurie Hall - "The Despoiling of America." This report which was first issued, February 11, 2004, documents "How George W. Bush became the head of a new American Dominionist Church/State" A footnote [# 58] was corrected Nov. 6, 2004. This correction alone is alarming. It reads:

Taking his cue from Leo Strauss, Scalia [the Vatican "voice" on the Supreme Court] argued, a democratic government, being seen as 'nothing more than the composite will of its individual citizens, has no more moral power or authority than they do as individuals...' Democracy, according to Scalia, creates problems: it can foster civil disobedience."

The Report begins with a discussion of "The First Prince of the Theocratic States of America:"

It happened quietly, with barely a mention in the media. Only the Washington Post dutifully reported it. And only Kevin Phillips saw its significance in his new book, American Dynasty. On December 24, 2001, Pat Robinson resigned his position as President of the Christian Coalition.

Behind the scenes religious conservatives were abuzz with excitement. They believed Robertson had stepped down to allow the ascendance of the President of the United States of America to take his rightful place as the head of the true American Holy Christian Church.

Robertson's act was symbolic, but it carried a secret and solemn revelation to the faithful. It was the signal that the Bush Administration was a government under God that was lead by an anointed President who would be the first regent in a dynasty of regents awaiting the return of Jesus to earth.

Robertson himself had sought to run for the presidency of the United States and entered the primaries as a candidate for the Republican Party. He has promoted via his 700 Club TV show, a political religious movement called Dominionism. Dominionism started with the Gospel teaching of the invisible and spiritual "kingdom of God" and turned this concept into a literal political empire that could be taken by force. Forgetting that Jesus said, "My kingdom is not of this world," the framers of Dominionism boldly presented a gospel whose purpose was to inspire Christians to enter politics and execute world domination so that Jesus could return to an earth prepared for His earthly rule by His faithful "regents." This cult has gathered in an estimated thirty-five million Americans who calling themselves Christian form the core of the religious right. Unless recognized for what it is, Americans will find themselves living in a theocracy that has already spelled out its intentions to change every aspect of American life including its cultural life, its Constitution and its laws.

This cult, born in Christian Reconstructionism, was founded by the late R. J. Rushdoony. The core included Rushdoony, his son-in-law, Gary North, Pat Robertson, Herb Titus, the former dean of Robertson's Regent University School of Public Policy, Charles Colson, Robertson's political strategist, Tim LaHaye, Gary Bauer, the late Francis Schaeffer, and Paul Crouch, the founder of TBN, the world's largest television network, plus an army of television and radio evangelists and news talk show hosts.

Prior to his death, Schaeffer was the leading evangelical theologian. Appearing on the 700 Club show, he urged revolt against what he termed a humanistic society. While not using the word "Dominionism," he charged that the "dominant culture" in the United States was the humanistic, and that Christians had to regain the dominance. He was joined in this appeal for Christians of the religious right to get into politics by Billy Graham. Appearing on the same show, April 29, 1985, he stated:

I'm for evangelicals running for public office and winning if possible and getting control of the Congress, getting control of the bureaucracy, getting control of the executive branch of government. ... I would like to see every true believer involved in politics in some shape or form.

According to these men, Schaefer, Graham and Robertson, - leading voices in the American protestant church which arose in the "earth," - "God's people" have a moral duty to change the government of the United States. . .

From the above passages can be seen the false prophet clearly identified as an apostate Protestant (Evangelical) movement of longer standing than the present alliance of the Religious Right:

The Real Origins of the Religious Right

They’ll tell you it was abortion. Sorry, the historical record’s clear: It was segregation

This myth of origins is oft repeated by the movement’s leaders. In his 2005 book, Jerry Falwell, the firebrand fundamentalist preacher, recounts his distress upon reading about the ruling in the Jan. 23, 1973, edition of the Lynchburg News: “I sat there staring at the Roe v. Wade story,” Falwell writes, “growing more and more fearful of the consequences of the Supreme Court’s act and wondering why so few voices had been raised against it.” Evangelicals, he decided, needed to organize.

Some of these anti- Roe crusaders even went so far as to call themselves “new abolitionists,” invoking their antebellum predecessors who had fought to eradicate slavery.

But the abortion myth quickly collapses under historical scrutiny. In fact, it wasn’t until 1979—a full six years after Roe—that evangelical leaders, at the behest of conservative activist Paul Weyrich, seized on abortion not for moral reasons, but as a rallying-cry to deny President Jimmy Carter a second term. Why? Because the anti-abortion crusade was more palatable than the religious right’s real motive: protecting segregated schools. So much for the new abolitionism. . .

So what then were the real origins of the religious right? It turns out that the movement can trace its political roots back to a court ruling, but not Roe v. Wade.

In May 1969, a group of African-American parents in Holmes County, Mississippi, sued the Treasury Department to prevent three new whites-only K-12 private academies from securing full tax-exempt status, arguing that their discriminatory policies prevented them from being considered “charitable” institutions. The schools had been founded in the mid-1960s in response to the desegregation of public schools set in motion by the Brown v. Board of Education decision of 1954. In 1969, the first year of desegregation, the number of white students enrolled in public schools in Holmes County dropped from 771 to 28; the following year, that number fell to zero. . .

Paul Weyrich, the late religious conservative political activist and co-founder of the Heritage Foundation, saw his opening.

In the decades following World War II, evangelicals, especially white evangelicals in the North, had drifted toward the Republican Party—inclined in that direction by general Cold War anxieties, vestigial suspicions of Catholicism and well-known evangelist Billy Graham’s very public friendship with Dwight Eisenhower and Richard Nixon. Despite these predilections, though, evangelicals had largely stayed out of the political arena, at least in any organized way. If he could change that, Weyrich reasoned, their large numbers would constitute a formidable voting bloc—one that he could easily marshal behind conservative causes.

“The new political philosophy must be defined by us [conservatives] in moral terms, packaged in non-religious language, and propagated throughout the country by our new coalition,” Weyrich wrote in the mid-1970s. “When political power is achieved, the moral majority will have the opportunity to re-create this great nation.” Weyrich believed that the political possibilities of such a coalition were unlimited. “The leadership, moral philosophy, and workable vehicle are at hand just waiting to be blended and activated,” he wrote. “If the moral majority acts, results could well exceed our wildest dreams.” (Underscored emphasis added.)

Paul Weyrich was the first among equals in seizing upon the segregationist history of the apostate Evangelical Protestants to bring about a formidable political alliance with Roman Catholics. It is important to note that Weyrich and his Roman Catholic associates were certain that they had the support of the Pope. Rome  is ever on the alert to ensnare apostate and unwary Protestants. This was the case with Vatican II, which was convened after Protestant ecumenism had advanced significantly. Rome approved of what Weyrich and his associates accomplished; but this was far from approving of Protestant Dominionism.

The Beast and the False Prophet are clearly defined in the Bible. The historical record in The Battle of the Great Day of God Almighty It is Pending! cited earlier in this paper describes how the False Prophet evolved from a fundamentalist apostate American Protestantism into the contemporary Religious Right coalition. The Image to the Beast is another identity, defined as to its tyrannical actions; but not as to its composition. It is not the False Prophet, which power gives it life. It then acts, obviously prompted by the Dragon, the Beast, and the False Prophet (Rev. 13:.15-17.) From the course of history and current events it is reasonable to assume that the Image to the Beast comprises the "ecumenism of hate." Created by a powerful voting bloc as forecast by Paul Weyrich, the authority of the Image is embedded in the voting population of America. If this is a valid assumption it is highly problematic for the Vatican in two critical areas: the Vatican's "ecumenism that moves under the urge of inclusion, peace, encounter and bridges," and the Papacy's policy on Jerusalem. The "ecumenism of hate" has been problematic for both, and on an elevated level because of the Roman Catholic component of this form of ecumenism, which has generated the culture war within the Church of Rome. The religious Right Roman Catholics are on a separate path from the Vatican. Metaphorically, they are in the path of Romulus and Remus while in general the Hegelian dialectic of Francis papacy is in the pseudo-Peter and Paul path. Both paths are rooted in the mythical foundational history of the papal Caesar. In the light of Bible prophecy the two paths must be destined to converge because of the common goal of world domination. It is reasonable to deduce from the nature of the Beast that Rome will be entirely approving of the tyranny unleashed by the "ecumenism of hate," which is identifiable as the Image to the Beast..

ARE PROPHETIC EVENTS IN PALESTINE ABOUT TO MOVE FORWARD?

How Will The Obstacles Be Overcome?

The entire Religious Right alliance has impeded the Vatican's progress towards establishing a presence in Jerusalem in fulfillment of Dan. 11:45. A harmony of documentation on both relevant United Nations Resolutions and Papal Policy appears to define a probable path to fulfillment of the prophecy:-

International city

Status of Jerusalem

The Holy See has had a long-held position on Jerusalem and the protection of the holy places in the Holy Land which predates the British Mandate for Palestine. The Vatican's historic claims and interests, as well as those of Italy and France were based on the former Protectorate of the Holy See and the French Protectorate of Jerusalem, which were incorporated in article 95 of the Treaty of Sèvres (1920), which incorporated the Balfour Declaration, but also provided: “it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine“. The Balfour Declaration and the proviso were also incorporated in the Palestinian Mandate (1923), but which also provided in articles 13 and 14 for an international commission to resolve competing claims on the holy places. These claimants had officially lost all capitulation rights by article 28 of the Treaty of Lausanne (1923). However, Britain never gave any effect to Mandate provisions arts 13 & 14. During the drafting of proposals that culminated in the United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine (also known as Resolution 181) in 1947, the historic claims of the Vatican, Italy and France were revived, and expressed as the call for the special international regime for the city of Jerusalem. This was also confirmed in UN General Assembly Resolution 194 in 1948, which maintained the position that Jerusalem be made an international city,[3] under United Nations supervision

Pope Pius XII supported this idea in the 1949 encyclical Redemptoris nostri cruciatus. It was proposed again during the papacies of John XXIII, Paul VI, John Paul II and Benedict XVI.[4] The Vatican reiterated this position in 2012, recognizing Jerusalem's "identity and sacred character" and calling for freedom of access to the city's holy places to be protected by "an internationally guaranteed special statute". After the US recognized Jerusalem as Israel's capital in December 2017, Pope Francis repeated the Vatican’s position: "I wish to make a heartfelt appeal to ensure that everyone is committed to respecting the status quo of the city, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations." (Internal hyperlink and underscored emphasis added.)

JERUSALEM - PAPAL POLICY

U. N. Security Council Document S/14032

The United Nations Security Document #S/14032, dated, 30 June 1980, was given general distribution in both English and French. A cover note by the President of the Security Council read:

"The attached letter dated 30 June 1980 from the Charge d'Affaires a.i. of the Permanent Observer Mission of the Holy See to the United Nations was addressed to the President of the Security Council.”

"In accordance with the request contained therein, the letter is circulated as a document of the Security Council."

The letter signed by Monsignor Alain Lebeaupin is included in the Document as Annex I. It reads:

"On instructions from His Eminence the Cardinal Secretary of State of His Holiness, I have the honor to request you to circulate as a Security Council document the attached text published in the 30 June issue of Osservatore Romano, which reflects the position of the Holy See concerning Jerusalem and all the Holy Places. The English translation, which was made from the Italian, may be regarded as authorized." . . .

In short, the Jerusalem question cannot be reduced to a mere "free access for all to the holy places." Concretely it is also required: (1) that the overall character of Jerusalem as a sacred heritage shared by all three monotheistic religions be guaranteed by appropriate measures! (2) that the religious freedom in all its aspects be safeguarded for them; (3) that the complex of rights acquired by the various communities over the shrines and the centres for spirituality, study and welfare be protected; (4) that the continuance and development of religious, educational and social activity by each community be ensured; (5) that this be achieved through an "appropriate juridical safeguard" that does not derive from the will of only one of the parties interested.

This "juridical safeguard" corresponds, in substance, to the "special statute" that the Holy See desires for Jerusalem: "this Holy City embodies interests and aspirations that are shared by different peoples." The very universalism of the three monotheistic religions, which constitute the faith of many millions of believers in every continent, calls for a responsibility that goes well beyond the limits of the States of the region. The significance and value of Jerusalem are such as to surpass the interests of any single State or bilateral agreements between one State and others.

Furthermore, the international community has already dealt with the Jerusalem, question; for instance, UNESCO very recently made an important intervention with the aim of safeguarding the artistic and religious riches represented by Jerusalem as a whole, as the "common heritage of humanity."

THE UNITED NATIONS ORGANIZATION AND JERUSALEM

As early as its second session, the General Assembly of the United Nations approved on 29 November 1947 a resolution on Palestine of which the third part was devoted to Jerusalem. The resolution was confirmed in the next two sessions, on 11 December 1948 and 9 December 1949 while on 14 April 1950 the Trusteeship Council approved a "special statute" for the city on the basis of the Assembly's decisions. The solution proposed by the United Nations envisaged the setting up of a "corpus separatum" for "Jerusalem and the surrounding area," administered by the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations.

This "territorial internationalization" of Jerusalem was not of course put into effect, because in the 1948 conflict the Arab side occupied the eastern zone of the city and the Israeli side, the western. The position of the United Nations does not appear at least as yet to have been formally revoked. The General Assembly, as well as the Security Council, has repeatedly, beginning with the resolution of 4 July 1967, insisted on the invalidity of any measure to change the status of the city.

The Holy See considers the safeguarding of the Sacred and Universal character of Jerusalem to be of such primary importance as to require any Power that comes to exercise sovereignty over the Holy Land to assume the obligation, to the three religious confessions spread throughout the world, to protect not only the special character of the City, but also the rights connected, on the basis of an appropriate juridical system guaranteed by a higher international body. . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

While there is broad agreement between the United Nations and the papacy on the internationalization of Jerusalem with the Vatican playing a critical role, the "ecumenism of hate" has resolutely opposed it, with the Evangelical part of the alliance in the leadership. Roman Catholics tend to disagree with the Christian and Jewish Zionism which is the basis of Evangelical opposition.

The "ecumenism of hate" is not going away, and it is not reasonable to expect that it will, voluntarily or under pressure:

Culture war forever (October 25, 2020)

After four years of dialed-up-to-11 political engagement, does all that energy just evaporate? . . .

But perhaps most importantly, Trump made a lot of noise about extricating America from endless wars — instead, he’s left us embedded in a brand new one.

The Culture Wars are our new Forever War. They are all-encompassing and constant; there is nothing they do not touch. Books and movies, basketball courts and football fields, late night television and daytime talk shows, art museums and corporate offices. Somewhere in between the rise of woke capitalism, the fall of the girlboss, Melissa McCarthy’s Sean Spicer impression, and the deep-dive investigative reports on whether Star-Lord might be a secret Republican, the entire cultural landscape has become a battlefield. Unlike our actual military engagements, participation in this war is not optional. Everything is political, including being apolitical; if you’re not with us, you’re one of them.

Even before pandemic lockdowns, police violence and mass protests ramped tensions up to a fever pitch, the political capture of the national consciousness was already in the works. If Donald Trump’s campaign for the presidency ignited a spark of awareness, his election turned it into a wildfire. In place of frivolous trends, we now had haute-couture emblazoned with ‘Not My President’; institutions like Saturday Night Live and The Late Show stopped looking for laughs and went all-in on ‘clapter’ (perhaps understanding that the alternative was four years of nonstop anguished screaming.) Even now, with what appears to be the end of the Trump presidency looming ever closer, the entertainment landscape is pretty much Resistance cheerleading as far as the eye can see. (Underscored emphasis added.)

Under the circumstances there is no logical reason to suppose that this nation will ever return to peace and tranquillity. The die is cast: the nation and the world appear to be in the final stages of history.

The post-election responses of right-wing religious leaders to the defeat of Donald Trump provide clear indications of a continuing culture war driven by the "ecumenism of hate." This should not be surprising. The profile of this union of right-wing Roman Catholics and Evangelicals perfectly fits the Image to the Beast which ushers in the tyranny of Rev. 13:15-17. As already discussed, the fundamentalist Evangelicals in particular have a long history of commitment to a theocratic dictatorship, and Rome's history of persecution is well-known. The responses of the Evangelical leaders to Trump's defeat show that they have no inclination to give up on their goal of "Christian" supremacy:

Minister Prophesies Trump Comeback, Says 'God Hates' Biden Support of Equality Act, Abortion Rights

Christian "prophets" and ministers across the U.S. are following up on their nearly unanimous prophecies proclaiming President Donald Trump would "without question" win re-election. But with Joe Biden now named President-elect, church leaders are either apologizing or doubling down and predicting a Trump comeback led by the Supreme Court and Baby Boomers.

Several evangelical and Christian church leaders, including televangelist Pat Robertson, White House spiritual adviser Paula White and First Baptist Church Pastor Robert Jeffress, all made bold predictions about a sweeping Trump victory in the presidential election. Those hopes were dashed Saturday as nearly every major news outlet declared Biden the winner, prompting a scrambled effort among many so-called "prophets" to explain their glaring error in interpreting God.

Update: Bethel Church's Kris Vallotton has since deleted his Instagram apology for getting the election wrong. Followers accused him of caving to bipartisan election officials, every major news outlet and the vote count . . .

All of the self-proclaimed Christian leaders who prophesied Trump's win reiterated that their incorrect message doesn't mean they are "false prophets," urging their followers to "keep trust in the prophets."

Two Christian leaders who prophesied Trump victory on Election Day are responding in very separate ways. North Carolina-based "prophet," Jeremiah Johnson, is predicting Trump to reclaim victory as God exposes voter corruption in the coming months. He cites a vision he had from earlier this year in which Baby Boomers "lift Donald Trump up" and uphold his presidency as he'd predicted throughout 2020. Johnson wrote to his tens of thousands of followers Saturday that "God HATES" Biden's policies and Christian supporters of the Democrat should not mock his prophecy as "false" because they face punishment for "eternity."

On the other side of the country, California-based Bethel Church Pastor Kris Vallotton, apologized for "missing the prophecy" on Trump defeating Biden. The 11,000-member megachurch leader said he made a "major, major mistake" after correctly prophesying Trump would not be removed by impeachment earlier this year as well as Barack Obama's election in 2008. . .

Distraught followers of both prophets said they felt reassured "God's Word" would come true and Trump will prevail, with dozens of top comments citing Democrat support of abortion and the conservative-leaning Supreme Court as evidence of what's to come.

"While we wait until January to determine our next US President, observe the stunning blindness and hypocrisy in the body of Christ," Johnson wrote to his tens of thousands of followers. "Christians who voted for the shedding of innocent blood, the Equality Act, and anti Israel legislation (ALL things God HATES) are now picking up stones to persecute prophets who supposedly missed it," Johnson posted Saturday.

"Either a lying spirit has filled the mouths of numerous trusted prophetic voices in America or Donald J. Trump really has won the presidency and we are witnessing a diabolical and evil plan unfold to steal the election," Johnson wrote, saying "every legitimate prophet I know" is still predicting Trump to win by January. . .

Just days before the election, '700 Club' host Pat Robertson proclaimed Trump would "without question" defeat Biden. But he added that Trump's re-election would prompt assassination attempts, world war threats and ultimately the "End Times" of the world. (Underscored emphasis added.)

Note the denials by these religious leaders that they are "false prophets," which they actually are precisely as prophesied in Rev. 13. If they were not already so completely under the control of the lying spirits of Rev. 16:13-14 their apparent knowledge of this passage of Scripture might possibly bring them to repentance; but a legitimate judgment can be made by true Christians that they have so long grieved the Holy Spirit that they are now beyond any hope of redemption.

What the immediate future holds for America and the world remains to be seen. However, the prophetic Word provides clues, since Dan. 11:45 is yet to be brought to fulfillment. One clue is the politics of the Vatican on Jerusalem, and therefore the need to suppress Zionism. There is also evidence that President-elect Joe Biden already has an established relationship with Pope Francis, who is for the time being at enmity with the "ecumenism of hate." We need to be watching developments in Palestine carefully.

ADDENDUM

The "False Prophet" right-wing Evangelicals have long labored to achieve their goal of establishing a theocratic dictatorship in America and they will not give up. However, the present reality is beginning to penetrate their apostate minds. Pat Robertson, in the past "The First Prince of the Theocratic States of America," has changed his mind about Donald Trump's prospects of overturning the 2020 presidential election result::

Pat Robertson says Trump lives in 'alternate reality' and Biden will be president

Televangelist media mogul Pat Robertson acknowledged on Monday that President-elect Joe Biden won the election, in conflict with President Trump, who continues to fight the outcome of the election even after the Electoral College confirmed the results.

During an airing of “The 700 Club” on Monday, Robertson, who is considered a Trump ally, responded to reports that the Supreme Court had denied another attempt by the Trump campaign to invalidate votes in other states.

“I had prayed and hoped that there might be some better solution, but I don’t think — I think it’s all over,” Robertson said. “I think the Electoral College has spoken. I think the Biden corruption has not totally been brought to fruition, but it doesn’t seem to be affecting the Electoral College, and I don’t think the Supreme Court is going to move in to do anything.” . . .

Christian Broadcasting Network correspondent George Thomas later asked Robertson if he thought Trump should run again in 2024, as reports have suggested he has said to allies privately.

"I think it will be a mistake," said Robertson. "My money would be on Nikki Haley. I think she'd make a tremendous candidate for the Republican candidate. You know, with all his talent and the ability to raise money and grow large crowds, the president still lives in an alternate reality. He really does."

"People say, 'Well, he lies about this, that,' but, no, he isn't lying. To him, that's the truth," Robertson said, referring to Trump's claims of having the largest inauguration crowd, having the highest approval ratings and saving NBC with his show "The Apprentice," which Robertson said "really aren't true."

Though still praising Trump, Robertson said the president's behavior had been "erratic," making note of the officials he has fired in the weeks since Election Day.

"It would be well to say, 'You've had your day. It's time to move on,'" Robertson said, addressing Trump.

The effect of Robertson's desertion of Trump remains to b e seen. He wields much influence in the right-wing evangelical world. It is noteworthy that he appears to be inclined to anoint Nikki Haley as the political successor to Trump, which would be an intriguing choice after "Cyrus, the Chosen One."


 

RELIGIOUS DESPOTISM DESTROYING AMERICA'S FREEDOMS

  • EXPLANATORY REMARKS

  • PART I: AMERICAN LIBERAL DEMOCRACY ON THE BRINK OF EXTINCTION

  • PART II: ROMAN CATHOLIC DOMINATED PRESIDENCIES OF AMERICA

  • PART III: UNRESTRAINED LAWLESSNESS UNDER CLAIM OF LEGALITY

  • PART IV: FACILITATING ABSOLUTE POWER AND CORRUPTION OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE

  • PART V: THEOCRATS BRANDISH  MAILED FIST

  • EXPLANATORY REMARKS

    This paper is intended to encourage alertness; not to cause despondency. The same prophetic word which predicts a triumph of evil in this world before the end promises that "the Lamb shall overcome" the kings who ultimately "give their power and strength unto the beast." Those "that are with Him are called, and chosen, and faithful." They have given "diligence to make [their] calling and election sure."

    In this paper is presented convincing documentary evidence of deep-seated religio-political corruption of the Constitution and laws of America. This is on the verge of completely destroying the nation's liberal democracy with its guarantee of separation of Church and State and individual liberty. To retain clarity of perception in reading the passages quoted from articles and essays, attention must be drawn to two issues present in the political discourse. They provoke emotional reactions prejudicial to reasoned analysis of the threat to democracy and true religious liberty. These are abortion and LGBT rights. That this website is in strong Bible-based disagreement with the present position of the Seventh-day Adventist Church on abortion is clear. On the subject of LGBT rights Adventistlaymen.com is aligned with the Church, also on a biblical basis; but without taking a position on the transgender phenomenon, which is a complex issue. However, the Church's analysis may be completely correct. What is of critical importance is that the morality of LGBT lifestyles are in the spiritual realm of religion. Separation of Church and State as established by the US Constitution demands that the Churches leave these issues to the Civil Law. Under the Constitution, the State cannot legitimately impose religious laws on the nation, as is now being done by the "religious right" alliance of Roman Catholics and extremist catholicized Protestants. It is worthy of notice that the Roman Catholic Church actually does not base its opposition to abortion and LGBT rights on the Bible. On these issues, the Papacy is determined to impose its "Natural Law" ideology on the nation and the world.

    The means applied to demolishing Democracy in America are multifaceted and prolific. They include money, money, money; secretive organizations like Opus Dei; and lies, lies, lies spewed by individual leaders (Trump) and numerous agencies of propaganda (Fox News chief among them). They are aimed at the citizenry and all levels of the three branches of government, especially in the administration of justice. The goal is absolute power, the power which corrupts absolutely, denying individual freedom and particularly religious liberty. The means outlined above are all controlled by one religious institution which has always been the enemy of American Liberal Democracy and the civil and religious liberties it guarantees. That institution is the Church of Rome. The Roman Catholic Church has successfully brought liberalism into disrepute by blaming it for all of society's moral decay. It should also be noted that disparaging criticism of "the Left" has been directed at liberalism - not socialism. The papacy has been open in its opposition to liberalism. Socialism has always been unpopular in America and therefore has not required the special attention of Rome.

    PART I: AMERICAN LIBERAL DEMOCRACY ON THE BRINK OF EXTINCTION

    PROPHECY MERGING INTO HISTORY SINCE 1980 HOW CORRUPTION OF THE AMERICAN ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE BEGAN IN EARNEST

    PROPHECY MERGING INTO HISTORY SINCE 1980

    It is a remarkable fact which cannot be ignored that a religio-political movement emerged into full blossom in America in the very same year of completed fulfillment of a prophecy of the end by Jesus Christ Himself. This is heavily documented on this website. The following is a publication by Elder Wm. H. Grotheer which provides an exegesis of a prophecy found in Luke 21:24:

    The SIGN of the END of TIME

    In this same setting, - the history of the city of Jerusalem - Jesus gave the sign that would mark the end of time. He declared:

    Jerusalem shall be trodden down of the Gentiles, until the times of the Gentiles be fulfilled. (verse 24)

    We need to take note of the words which Jesus used as recorded by Luke. First, one word in the text is translated two different ways. If not under­stood, it can limit our perception. The inhabitants of Jerusalem were to "be led away captive into all nations." The city was to "be trodden down of the Gentiles, until the times of the Gentiles be fulfilled." There was to be "upon the earth distress of nations." Each word emphasized, "nations," or "Gentiles," is the same word in the Greek - ta ethne (τὰ ἔθνη) - and means those nations other than Israel.

    These Gentile nations were to tread down the city. Nineteen centuries of history should provide adequate proof of this fact - "first the Romans, then by the Arabs, next by different Christian nations during the Crusades, fourth by the Turks up to the end of the first world war, then by the British, and finally by the Jordanians." Then in the Six-Day War of June, 1967, a dramatic change took place. The Reader's Digest (March, 1975) in an article, "Jerusalem - Too Holy for Its Own Good," gave the story:

    A stone wall, rising starkly in the Walled City, figures strongly in Israel's adamancy over not wanting to give up East Jerusalem. This is the Western Wall, a fragment of the ramport of a platform on which the First Temple of King Solomon and the Second Temple of King Herod stood. The Second Temple was destroyed by the Romans in A.D. 70, when the Jews were dri­ven into diaspora, or dispersion. Throughout 19 centuries of diaspora, the wall, or the memory of it served as a spiritual beacon and a symbol of a lost homeland to Jews the world over. During that time, Passover and Yom Kippur services ended in the incantation in Hebrew: "Next year in Jerusalem."...

    When the British withdrew from Palestine in 1948, and Jews and Arabs fought for the control of the state, the Jews managed to hold West Jerusalem... Yet, tantalizingly, the Western Wall remained just beyond reach. Jordan annexed East Jerusalem as well as the West Bank of the River Jordan, a territory that surrounds the city on three sides. For 19 years, a no-man's-land separated the two sectors, and Jordanians refused to allow Jews to worship at the Western Wall.

    When war came again in 1967, Israel urged Jordan's King Hussein to stay out of it, promising, in return, not to attack Jordan. But, ... Hussein sent artillery shells crashing into West Jerusalem. Israeli soldiers counter-attacked, and poured into the Walled City. Their religious fervor was such that many headed directly for the Western Wall, where they paused to pray. For the first time in 19 centuries, the wall was under Jewish control. (p. 132)

    The restoration of Old Jerusalem to Israeli control marked the fulfillment of the second part of Jesus' prophecy - "Jerusalem shall be trodden down of the nations until the times of the nations be fulfilled." It also was the sign which signaled the beginning of the end of time.

    Secondly, we need to consider, how the word, "times" is used in Luke 21:24. The Greek word translated, "times," is kairos (καιρος ). The same word was used by Luke in quoting Jesus as He wept over Jerusalem, because they did not know "the time of [their] visitation" (Luke 19:44). Paul used the word when he wrote of the accepted time for salvation. (II Cor. 6:2) It is probationary time - not chronological time (χποος). Thus the fulfillment of "the times of the nations" means simply that the probationary time allotted to the nations as corporate bodies was closing. . .

    Twenty times in his two New Testament books - the Gospel and Acts - Luke uses the Greek word, achri(s) (ἄχρι) translated in Luke 21:24 as "until." However, in this verse and in two others in Acts, he connects it with the Greek relative pronoun, (hou), (οὗ) making it an idiomatic expression. How is it to be understood? In Acts 27:31-34, we have recorded the story of Paul's shipwreck on the way to Rome. During the storm, the crew and pas­sengers had eaten nothing. Now it appeared the boat was about to be dashed to pieces on the rocks of an unidentified shore. The text reads ­"And while the day was coming on, Paul besought them all to take meat." (v. 33). The word translated, "while" is the Greek, achri hou, as in Luke 21:24. It is obvious that it is used in Acts to cover that identifiable period of time between the first rays of light, and the full light of day.

    How shall the idiom be understood in Luke 21:24? When Israel took control of Jerusalem in 1967, the government continued to function from Tel Aviv, On July 30, 1980, the Knesset passed a Basic Law: Jerusalem, Capital of Israel. This Law read in part: . . .

    1, Jerusalem, complete and united, is the capital of Israel.

    2. Jerusalem is the seat of the President of the State, the Knesset, the Government and the Supreme Court.

    With this action, the prophecy of Jesus met complete fulfillment. During this brief definable period, 1967 to 1980, the probationary time allotted by God to the nations was closing. (Underscored emphasis added.)

    Luke 21:24 provides the history of Seventh-day Adventist expositions of the prophecy, and Grotheer's conclusion of what its fulfillment means:

    James Edson White, second son of James and Ellen White, entered the publishing work at the early age of 15. At the Review & Herald office he learned and mastered the printer's trade. Sensing the need of funds for missionary work and the profit that could be derived from the sale of Bible oriented books, White pushed forward the writing and sale of 12 books in all. Among them was The Coming King, which for years was the leading subscription book produced by Seventh-day Adventists for colporteurs (SDA Encyclopedia Vol. 11, p. 890). In the chapter on the "Destruction of Jerusalem," White tells of the terrible carnage inflicted by the Roman soldiers, and cites this as a fulfillment of Jesus' prophecy as given in the first part of Luke 21:24 - "they shall fall by the edge of the sword, and shall be led away captive into all nations (τα εθνη)." Then he adds a closing paragraph to the chapter:

    We also read that "Jerusalem shall be trodden down of the Gentiles, until the times of the Gentiles he fulfilled." This will be when the work of the gospel is finished" (p. 109, 1906 edition).

    This is a declarative and definitive statement of how Luke 21:24 was understood. The book was published by the Review & Herald Publishing Association, and as noted above "was the leading subscription book produced by Seventh-day Adventists" for years. In other words, it is as official an interpretation as could possibly be given to Luke 21:24 apart from the General Conference in session.

    Five years later, Edson's mother directed a letter to Dr. J. H. Kellogg which is filed as Letter 20, 1901 (Ms. Rel., #14, 1102, pp. 139-149). In this letter, after discussing general matters Ellen White declared Luke 21:24, in full context, to be "present truth," and "an object lesson." We discussed this letter in some detail in this year's January issue of WWN (pp. 6-7). She wrote:

    Will not the people of God take heed? In the twenty-first chapter of Luke, Christ foretold what was to come upon Jerusalem; with it He connected the scenes which were to take place in the history of this world just prior to the coming of the Son of man in the clouds of heaven with power and great glory (p. 149).

    When Christ comes in the clouds of heaven, "the work of the gospel" will have been "finished." Ellen White's letter to Kellogg would appear to be an endorsement of her son's position as given in The Coming King. . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

    The history continues through the years 1915 (Bible Readings for the Home Circle,) 1949 (Bible Readings for the Home Circle revised,) 1952 (Bible Conference,) mid 20th century ("20th Century Bible Course,") and finally 1980 (Second Quarter Sabbath School Lesson and the special "Helps" book both authored by Dr. Jean Zurcher.) The following statement is taken from a passage quoted by Elder Grotheer:

    I believe that the times of the Gentiles began in AD 34 when the prophetic seventy weeks that God set aside for the people of Israel ended. The baptism of the first "heathen" - the Ethiopian eunuch and the centurion Cornelius - as well as the conversion of Paul as an apostle to the Gentiles mark the beginning of these new times. And if I have understood the prediction of Jesus properly, this time will be "fulfilled" when Jerusalem will cease to "be trodden of the Gentiles." The fact that since 1967 Gentiles no longer have occupied Jerusalem means, therefore, that we are now living at the end of "the times of the Gentiles."

    Jerusalem here constitutes the last sign by which the Lord shows us that the history of this world is coming to its climax and that the restoration of all things is at hand. And should God tarry once more in the fulfillment of His promise, we should understand that He "is longsuffering, not willing that any should perish, but that all should come to repentance" (2 Peter 3:9) (Christ of the Revelation) . . .

    (Underscored emphasis added.)

    The Sign of the End Of Time (Excerpt from WWN 12(00) ends with a reasoned analysis of what fulfillment of the prophecy is telling us:

    What is the Fulfilled Prophecy of Jesus Saying?

    The very least that this fulfilled prophecy of Jesus is saying is that God is no longer restraining the power of Satan in his control of the nations of earth. Even though Satan declared that he possessed such power and could delegate it to whomever he chose (Luke 4:6), the book of Daniel draws the curtain aside and reveals that God "ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever He will" (Dan. 4:17). When kings and rulers resisted His purposes, Michael, to whom all earthly authority is given (I Cor. 15:27), comes Himself to influence the outcome of human events (Dan. 10:13). That time is now past, and God has stepped aside and Satan is working his will in the nations of earth.

    We have not been left in doubt as to what Satan is seeking to accomplish. In the Revelation of Jesus Christ, the picture is drawn. "The spirits of devils go forth unto the kings of the earth and of the whole world, to gather them to the battle of the great day of God Almighty" (Rev. 16:14). But you respond, that is the sixth plague after the close of probation. No, it is the cause for the sixth plague, not the plague. Consider the first plague: a "grievous sore" on those who had received the mark of the beast (16:2). Was not the mark of the beast received prior to the close of probation? Just so, the sixth plague. Verse 12 describes the plague - the drying up of the great river Euphrates, and verses 13-14 give the cause in probationary time.

    Note the use of this text in The Great Controversy, pp.561-62. Observe the context - "the last remnant of time."

    The location of this gathering is given as a place in the Hebrew tongue, called "Har-Magedon" (16:16 ARV). This transliterates back into the Hebrew as Har-Mo'ed - Mount of the Congregation. Here Satan will seek to realize his objective - "I will sit also upon the mount of the congregation, in the sides of the north," or Jerusalem (Isa. 14:13; Ps. 48:2).

    Even as the sanctuary "was the key which unlocked the mystery of the disappointment" in 1844 (See, Spirit of Prophecy, Vol. 4, p. 268), so also it gives a further understanding as to the significance of Jesus' prophecy as recorded in Luke 21:24. During the daily ministration, confession of sin, both individual and corporate was made in the court of the sanctuary. The distinct difference between these two ceremonies was where the blood of confession was placed. For the individual, the blood of his sacrifice was placed upon the horns of the Brazen Altar of the Court, while for a corporate sin, the blood of the sacrifice was placed on the horns of the Golden Altar of Incense in the Holy Place. (See Leviticus 4). In the yearly service on the Day of Atonement, the ministration of the High Priest involved all three sections of the sanctuary. He moved from the Most Holy to the Holy, and then to the Court to complete the atonement at the Brazen Altar where the individual confessions were recorded. (See Leviticus 16). Thus the prophecy of Jesus would indicate in its fulfillment that the corporate bodies of earth have been weighed in the balances of the sanctuary and found wanting. The time of judgment has passed to the very last act of the Final Atonement - the cleansing of the living.

    What Warning Has God Given? -- When God told Moses, the nature of the Coming One, that He would be a Prophet raised up in the midst of the Children of Israel like unto himself, and that He would put words into His mouth, He also sounded a warning:

    And it shall come to pass, that whosoever will not hearken unto my words which he shall speak in my name, I will require it of him. (Deut. 18:19)

    It was that Prophet who declared that "Jerusalem shall be trodden down of the nations until the times of the nations be fulfilled."

    Take heed to yourselves, lest at any time your hearts be overcharged with surfeiting, and drunkenness, and the cares of this life, and so that day come upon you unawares. For as a snare shall it come on all them that dwell on the face of the whole earth. Watch ye therefore, and pray always, that ye may be accounted worthy to escape all these things that shall come to pass, and to stand before the Son of man. (Luke 21:34-36) (Underscored emphasis added.)

    To the unbiased mind the exegesis of the prophecy is clear and valid. The course of history since 1967, and 1980 in particular, confirms the exegesis. The unfolding of current events has seen the first stirrings of increased papal activism to complete the Catholicization of America just prior to 1980. This activism swelled into a flood from that year:

    FROM MORAL MAJORITY TO TEA PARTY

    A POLITICAL ACTION PLAN GOES INTO HIGH GEAR

    In the case against the Church of Rome for unleashing on the American nation religious fanatics who indulge in vociferous cant about religious freedom but scorn the essentials of individual liberty, the Roman Catholic hierarchy is indicted by the activities of its own clerics and authorized lay representatives. On the record is the Pastoral Plan of the National Conference of Catholic Bishops published in 1975. The following is quoted from Paragraph 28 of the Statement Issued by the National Conference of Catholic Bishops:

    28. Accomplishment of this aspect of this Pastoral Plan will undoubtedly require well-planned and coordinated political action by citizens at the national, state, and local levels. This activity is not simply the responsibility of Catholics, nor should it be limited to Catholic groups or agencies. It calls for widespread cooperation and collaboration. As citizens of this democracy, we encourage the appropriate political action to achieve these legislative goals. As leaders of a religious institution in this society, we see a moral imperative for such political activity.

    The Bishops then moved to achieve the "widespread cooperation and collaboration" and the "appropriate political action." Although the primary focus was on abortion, what followed was a broad onslaught of Roman Catholic ideology based on the papacy's Social Doctrine. (Cf. However heartfelt, opposition to abortion).

    It would be a serious mistake to think that the Church of Rome suddenly burst on the American scene in 1975. In fact the presence and influence of the papacy in America was traced by Pope Leo XIII himself all the way back to Columbus' discovery of the continent (The Pope recognizes . . .) His reference to George Washington reveals a papal policy of cultivating cordial relations with the leaders of the nation. Why? The probable reason is that once the leaders are neutralized, Rome is free to propagandize the masses with her ideologies, and they become drunken with her wine,. This is what has happened in the United States of America (Cf. "Making America Catholic") Today there is not a single prominent voice in the nation that is speaking out against the religio-political influence and ambitions of Rome. To the contrary, leaders seek the counsel of the Vatican, [Nancy Pelosi - (There was in fact not only intervention on Capitol Hill . . .) and yield to the lobbying of Roman Catholic bishops (Barbara Bradley Hagerty then stated as follows . . .) Oblivious of the destructive influence of Rome, they praise the Pontiff and the papal hierarchy for their "moral" influence on the world. The President of the United States praises Pope Francis as "somebody who lives out the teachings of Christ" (President Obama is a fan of Pope Francis;) but the Bible does not lie. Here is the Divine viewpoint on the papacy. (Underscored emphasis added.)

    (Cf. "Theocratic Dictatorship" - The Pastoral Plan bookmark.)

    From the 1980s and surging into the present, the Church of Rome has advanced her campaign of tightening her grip on the body politic of America. Prophecy has been  merging into history at an accelerating pace.

    HOW CORRUPTION OF THE AMERICAN ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE BEGAN IN EARNEST

    It is now a notorious fact to anyone who has been paying attention that the Republican Party has become the party of the Roman Catholic Church, or Party of God. This was a deliberate takeover by Rome. There appears to be general agreement that the effective date of the takeover was during the 1996 presidential campaign. However, Rome had maneuvered her way into the Republican Party, and exercised great influence over the presidencies of Ronald Reagan, Bush the elder, and Bush the younger. It was during these presidencies that the process of corrupting the judicial system of Amerce was launched and consolidated:

    Catholic Doctrine and Reproductive Health WHY THE CHURCH CAN’T CHANGE: The Bishops’ Pastoral Plan for Pro-life Activities - American Catholic Party

    However, the bishops may have had even greater success in targeting the judicial branch. In the 12 years of the Reagan and Bush administrations, these two presidents appointed five Supreme Court Justices and 70% of all sitting judges in the federal court system. All were anti-abortion, another goal of the Plan.

    The legislative branch has been more difficult for the bishops, although they did achieve sufficient influence in Congress to the extent that pro-choice Congressmen could not override a presidential veto of family planning bills. As long as the anti-family planning interests controlled the White House, as they did during the Reagan and Bush years, this was sufficient for the bishops’ purposes.

    One of the more profound accomplishments of this Plan is the capture of the Republican Party by the Vatican. This accomplishment was vital to the bishops’ legislative agenda described in the Plan. In a July 28, 1994, Los Angeles Times wire service story, Jack Nelson describes the maneuvers of the Religious Right so that this takeover is all but an accomplished fact.

    On September 11, 1995, Bill Moyers gives his assessment of the influence of the Religious Right in remarks titled Echoes of the Crusades: The Radical Religious Right’s Holy War on American Freedom: “They control the Republican party, the House of Representatives and the Senate._._._.” (Underscored emphasis added.)

    Reagan and Bush the elder did not nominate Roman Catholics exclusively to the Supreme Court. The primary litmus test was conservatism. The statement above that all of the appointees were anti-abortion is not quite correct. The actions of the Justices were somewhat more complex. Bush's appointment of David Souter provides a glimpse behind the curtain.

    Concerning this appointment Bush made an interesting statement:

    George H. W. Bush Supreme Court candidates

    Bush showed less interest in issues relating to the Supreme Court than other presidents before and after him.[9] Upon Souter's nomination, Bush made clear that he had no litmus test for court appointees. "You might just think that the whole nomination had something to do with abortion," Bush told reporters upon nominating Souter. "It's something much broader than that. I have too much respect for the Supreme Court for that."

    Souter turned out to be an unreliable conservative, and ultimately sided consistently with the liberals. Nevertheless, he had been willing during one period to consider overturning Roe v. Wade.

    The following passage also reveals the true character of Anthony Kennedy:

    David Souter

    Initially, from 1990 to 1992, Souter leaned conservative. In his first year, he and Scalia voted alike close to 85% of the time; Souter voted with Kennedy and O'Connor about 97% of the time.[citation needed] The symbolic turning point came in two cases in 1992: Planned Parenthood v. Casey, in which the Court reaffirmed the essential holding in Roe v. Wade; and Lee v. Weisman, in which Souter voted against allowing prayer at a high school graduation ceremony. In Planned Parenthood v. Casey, Kennedy considered overturning Roe and upholding all the restrictions at issue in Casey. Souter considered upholding all the restrictions but still was uneasy about overturning Roe. After consulting with O'Connor, however, the three (who came to be known as the "troika") developed a joint opinion that upheld all the restrictions in Casey except for the mandatory notification of a husband while asserting the essential holding of Roe, that a right to an abortion is protected by the Constitution. (Underscored emphasis added.

    Note Roman Catholic Anthony Kennedy's interest in overturning Roe v. Wade. The objective was clear; but the time was not ripe (it may now be ripe, with the present composition of the Court.) Bush more than compensated for his mistake in appointing Souter by the appointment of Clarence Thomas, who had first found favor with the Reagan administration. Thomas carefully concealed his convictions at the time of his nomination in 1991 (Clarence Thomas on Abortion.) After his appointment to the Court he revealed himself, and has grown increasingly more extremist. At the time of his nomination his anti-abortion credentials were established by his close relationship with Paul Weyrich. The following quotation is lengthy because of its significance:

    The Burden of Clarence Thomas

    The conservative activists who fought most fervently for Thomas’s confirmation are the people to whom Thomas is most grateful. And it is with them that he is attempting to redefine the role of the Justice; for, though he has spoken out only on rare occasions and in carefully chosen settings before specially selected audiences, he remains an important voice (and symbol) in the American conservative movement. Thomas believes that if the “new intolerance” is to be defeated—and if the liberal establishment that vilified him is ever to be called to account—the impetus will have to come from the New Right conservative movement, which has long been his political home.

    In his effort, Thomas’s mentor has been Paul Weyrich, a Washington fixture known as a founding father of the New Right and as the man who helped coin the name for Reverend Jerry Falwell’s political organization, the Moral Majority. In nearly three decades in the capital, Weyrich has founded about a dozen organizations, including the Heritage and the Free Congress foundations, in the fight for what he calls “cultural conservatism”—an agenda that has anti-abortion and pro-school-prayer tenets as its bedrock. In the early days of the Reagan Administration, Weyrich’s causes also included the ill-fated effort to preserve tax breaks for racially segregated schools. Weyrich and Thomas met in the early eighties, while Thomas was chairman of the E.E.O.C. Though they remain good friends, Weyrich was cryptic in describing their relationship to me. “I see him fairly frequently,” he said. “We’ve been to each other’s homes.” Weyrich has watched and helped guide his friend’s ideological development over the years. “He has changed somewhat in his perspective,” Weyrich said. “He was very focused on economic issues, as many Reaganites were when they came into office. He now sees that the cultural focus is very valid. He’s said he thinks we were ahead of the curve.” . . .

    Notwithstanding these rules, Thomas shows every sign of accelerating, rather than moderating, his political activity. On October 1st, the Friday before this year’s Supreme Court term begins, he is scheduled to make an appearance at the national convention of Concerned Women for America, in Washington. C.W.A., which was founded in 1979 by Beverly LaHaye, is one of the most outspoken conservative organizations in the nation—and one that strongly backed Thomas’s confirmation. It now claims six hundred thousand members, and lobbies in Washington and in state capitals for restrictive abortion laws and school prayer, and against homosexual rights and sex education. . .

    As it turned out, the new Justice relied on one law clerk in particular—Christopher Landau, who had worked in the Bush Justice Department, then clerked for Thomas on the Court of Appeals, and then spent a year as a clerk for Justice Scalia. . .

    According to the person familiar with the Thomas chambers, Landau was a member of the Federalist Society, a fraternal group of conservative lawyers, and he chose three other Federalist members as his fellow-clerks. (In a recent letter to this magazine, Landau denies being a Federalist member.) Word quickly went around the Supreme Court that this first group of four was probably the most conservative group ever assembled to work for a single Justice. The source also says that the group “considered it a compliment.” Consequently, disagreements among them—and with their boss—were rare. There was essentially no discussion in the Thomas chambers, this person says, of Planned Parenthood v. Casey, the most celebrated case of Thomas’s first term. In Casey, the Justices were asked to rule whether Roe v. Wade, the Court’s epochal 1973 decision establishing a woman’s right to choose abortion, should be overturned. In his confirmation hearings, Thomas had said, “I cannot remember personally engaging in” any discussions of Roe v. Wade. Since it was the most famous Supreme Court case of his generation, this statement drew widespread skepticism at the time. In any event, it appears clear that Thomas had made up his mind about the fate of Roe before he arrived on the Court; without even discussing the issue with his law clerks, he decided that the case should be overturned. “There was no point in talking about Casey,” the source says. “There was no doubt whatsoever on where he was coming out. There was no discussion at all.” Thomas joined Justice Scalia’s dissenting opinion, which urged that Roe be overturned. (Underscored emphasis added.)

    Here can be seen the direct influence of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops in the advancement of Clarence Thomas to the Supreme Court. He has acknowledged his Roman Catholicism with a fervor which, combined with his actions on the Court, reeks of ruthless fanaticism:

    Supreme Court Justice: I Am ‘Unapologetically Catholic’

    A Supreme Court justice is boldly proclaiming his Catholic faith.

    On Saturday, Justice Clarence Thomas told the 39th graduating class of Christendom College in Front Royal, Virginia that the school "is a decidedly Catholic college, and I am decidedly and unapologetically Catholic."

    "I have no doubt that this faith will do the same for each of you if you let it and perhaps even if you don't; it is not a tether," he continued. "But rather it is a guide, the way, the truth and the life." . . .

    Thomas is also a Natural Law jurist, who believes the Constitution is based on transcendent principles that come from God, which find their highest civic expression in the Declaration of Independence, with its language about inalienable rights of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness" bestowed on creatures by "their Creator."

    Thomas' fanaticism reveals a determination to overrule any settled law of the land which differs from the Church of Rome's "Natural Law." So much for Stare Decisis ("Let the decision stand"). This has unsettled the administration of justice and undermined the rule of law in America.

    Rome is adept at playing the long game. The fact is that she had made substantial gains during the Reagan-Bush years. The continued progress of her agenda became a settled certainty. The appointment during the Reagan-Bush years of five Supreme Court Justices (though not all Roman Catholics,) and 70% of all sitting judges in the federal court system was just the beginning. Rome' is never satisfied until she has achieved total control. As will be seen, Republican presidencies succeeding the Reagan-Bush years have brought about an irreversible domination of right-wing ideology-driven judges on the federal bench, and especially the Supreme Court. The path to fulfillment of Rev. 13:15-17 is wide open.

    PART II: ROMAN CATHOLIC DOMINATED PRESIDENCIES OF AMERICA

    RONALD W. REAGAN
    GEORGE H. W. BUSH
    GEORGE W. BUSH
    DONALD J. TRUMP

    RONALD W. REAGAN

    Two past presidential administrations in America have been dominated by Roman Catholics, as is also the present one, and this alarming fact has been exposed by respectable publications. Amazingly, none of the three presidents identify as Roman Catholic, which may be why the Catholicism of their presidencies has been unnoticed by the vast majority of Americans. The passivity of the body politic may also be an indication of how catholicized the nation had become. This is tragic, because Roman Catholic policies and governance have been destroying the unique liberal democracy of America which has guaranteed individual liberty for two and a half centuries. The Catholicization of the nation's governance is now on the verge of completing the destruction of American democracy.

    The first of the three presidencies was the Reagan administration. In 1984 the first term of Ronald Reagan's presidency was nearing its completion. In that year Stephen D. Mumford, an American expert on fertility and population growth, published a book titled American Democracy and the Vatican: Population Growth and National Security. In March, 2012,, churchandstate.org.uk published a chapter from the book, in which the Reagan presidency was described as "the most Catholic administration in American history." Because of the staggering significance of the facts revealed in the chapter, copious quotations follow:-

    Influence of the Catholic Hierarchy on U.S. Policy Making

    Chapter 10: Influence of the Catholic Hierarchy on Government Policy

    The Reagan administration is the most Catholic administration in American history. Yet few Americans are aware of this. Why all the secrecy? Why has this fact never been mentioned in the press, particularly in light of the Reagan agenda?

    About 4 percent of Americans are of Irish Roman Catholic descent. Ronald Reagan’s father was and his brother is Roman Catholic. The president has never been very active in any faith; however, all but two of Reagan’s key appointees concerned with the national security/population growth control issues have been Irish Roman Catholics. They include: his three national security advisers, Allen, Clark, and McFarlane; CIA Director Casey; Secretary of State Haig; Health and Human Services Secretary Heckler; and Attorney-General Smith. One exception is Schultz, who is a Roman Catholic of German extraction; the other was Schweiker, not a Catholic.

    What of other critical positions in the administration? At the cabinet level, other Catholics are Secretary of the Treasury Donald Regan and Secretary of Labor Raymond Donovan. Also, Reagan appointed Sandra Day O’Connor to the Supreme Court and Ann Gorsuch to the post of EPA administrator. Both are of Irish descent.

    Since only 4 percent of Americans are Catholics of Irish descent, it would seem that this particular ethnic group is grossly overrepresented in the seats of power. The odds of this happening by chance are nil.

    Making this disturbing is the makeup of the Church hierarchy. Although descendants of Irish immigrants to this country constitute only 20 percent of the nation’s Catholics, the roots of American Catholic bishops are mainly in Ireland. They are unquestionably the most politically aggressive element of the Church. Their ethnic group was strongly favored by the person who put the Reagan team together. My concern is that this person was not Mr. Reagan. What makes this arrangement so troubling are the marked similarities between the Reagan agenda and the Vatican agenda.

    The Vatican Agenda vs. the Reagan Agenda

    Few Americans realize that the Vatican and Reagan agendas are, despite minor disagreement, virtually identical. Let us look at the record.

    Table 1 shows the Vatican and Reagan Administration positions on twenty-four of the most controversial issues of the past three years. It is difficult to find a single example of disagreement between them. The president has made no secret of the fact that he calls on the pope for guidance in the governing of America. In chapter four, I have quoted his incredible statement before the National Catholic Education Association in April 1982: “I am grateful for your help in shaping American policy to reflect God’s will…and I will look forward to further guidance from His Holiness Pope John Paul II during an audience I will have with him in June.”[1] After this one-hour private meeting at the Vatican on June 7, he said that the Catholic Church “pursues the same goals of peace, freedom, and humanity.” Reagan added that he wanted the U.S. government “to work closely with the Church in Latin America…to prevent the spread of repression and godless tyranny.” He also invited the pope to visit the United States again, saying, “There is a great need for such a visit.”[2] In May, they met in Alaska. In his March 8, 1983, speech before the National Association of Evangelicals, Reagan expressed himself in terms normally reserved for use by Catholic clergy: “I urge you to beware of the temptation…to ignore…the aggressive impulses of an evil empire, to…thereby remove yourself from the struggle between right and wrong, good and evil.”[3] During a speech to a group of conservatives on February 18, 1983, Reagan made the statement that the attempted assassination of the pope was “an assault on God.” Can it be that the president receives the words of the pope as if they were actually words or instructions direct from God?

    Table1

    On August 6, 1984, columnist Mary McGrory offered that Mr. Reagan comes on as more Catholic than the Pope:

    Catholic issues seem to consume him…. Reagan’s motivation now seems to be his inability to tolerate the “oppression of the Church” to which the Pope has attested…. John Kennedy may be smiling somewhere at the sight of an American president wrapping himself in the arms of Holy Mother Church…. By contrast, Reagan is going out of his way to show that with him there is no separation of church and state. He wants it known that there is a direct line between him and the Pope, that he seeks counsel from the Vatican City. Reagan took the extraordinary step of inviting the Pope’s ambassador, Pio Laghi, to his Santa Barbara ranch for consultation on delicate foreign policy questions.[4] [emphasis added]

    In a prepared address to an ecumenical prayer breakfast attended by twelve thousand religious leaders and delegates to the Republican National Convention, Mr. Reagan challenged the constitutional premise of separation of church and state. “The truth is, politics and morality are inseparable, and as morality’s foundation is religion, religion and politics are necessarily related. A report on this speech stated that “his remarks put him squarely in the camp of the fundamentalist religious right,” implying that this is not consistent with the Vatican camp. However, the Reverend Virgil C. Blum, president and founder of the Milwaukee-based Catholic League for Religious and Civil Rights, endorsed Reagan’s church and state sentiments.[5]

    The truth is that Mr. Reagan is just giving his blessing to a reality. The Vatican has for decades ignored the constitutional premise of separation of church and state though this situation has worsened since the publication of the Pastoral Plan for Prolife Activities in 1975. Columnist Mary McGrory, in an article on the unprecedented challenge to the archbishop of New York by Governor Mario Cuomo, frankly stated that for a Catholic politician to publicly oppose the wishes of an archbishop is political suicide. She pointed out that Cuomo is the first Catholic politician to pick a fight with a prelate and that “it is the conventional wisdom that no politician wins in a fight with the Catholic Church.” . . .

    The Church and Divisiveness in America

    Because the Catholic Church ignores the principle of separation of church and state, it is the most divisive force in America. The March 19, 1984, issue of U.S. News and World Report examined two secret Catholic elite religious societies in this country: the Knights of Malta with one thousand U.S. members who are prominent in government, business, or professional life and Opus Dei with three thousand members of widely varied backgrounds. The Knights of Malta organization dates back to the time of the Crusades; its members include some of our nation’s most prominent Catholics: CIA Director William Casey; William Wilson; Vernon Walters; Senators Denton and Domenici; Alexander Haig; William Sloan; and William F. Buckley, creator and leader of Young Americans for Freedom, from which a large proportion of the Reagan administration team were drawn. Because many Knights and recipients of the Order’s honors have worked in or around the CIA, critics sometimes suggest a link between the two. The CIA has been dominated by the Catholic hierarchy.

    According to members, the order serves “as an international defender of the Church.”[7] In June of each year a ceremony is held in Rome for Knights of Malta which includes the “swearing of allegiance to the defense of the Holy Mother Church.”[8] Herein lies the problem for population growth control and its recognition as a national security issue. Population growth control seriously threatens the survival of the Vatican, as discussed in chapters one and four. Knights are committed to defending the Church. Only the most devout and obedient are invited to join the Knights and Opus Dei (which its detractors have compared to mind-controlling cults).[9] . . .

    It is inevitable that the best interests of the Vatican and those of the United States are not always going to be the same. For this reason, no one can possibly swear complete allegiance to both and mean it. The acts and attitudes of the Knights of Malta in the Reagan administration seem to reflect this complete allegiance to the Catholic Church rather than to our country. (Underscored emphasis added.)

    Of great significance is the fact that the current Chief Justice of the Supreme Court is also a member of the Knights of Malta. (Cf. The Knights of Malta must understand that they are a religious order – not a country.) He is also reported to be a member of Opus Dei:-

    Opus Dei’s Influence on the U.S. Judiciary

    Secrecy prevents certainty

    Due to Opus Dei’s secrecy, we can only guess about non-disclosed membership. Some have done so anyway.

    “It’s widely known that Supreme Court Justices Antonin Scalia, Samuel Alito, and Clarence Thomas belong to Opus Dei – and that Chief Justice John Roberts may also be a member,” stated Matthew Fox, a former priest, progressive theologian and author of more than 23 books. . .

    When John Roberts was nominated for the Court, Opus Dei’s Austin Ruse said his fellow conservative Catholics could “breathe easy” and Leonard Leo “also assured conservative Catholics that Roberts will not follow the same path as Anthony Kennedy.” . . .

    (Cf. The Justices of the U.S. Supreme Court And Their Faith.)

    Stephen Mumford conclusively documented the fact that Ronald Reagan was an open protagonist for the Church of Rome. Strangely, this was not generally perceived at the time of his presidency.

    GEORGE H. W. BUSH

    In the case of Ronald Reagan's successor, George H. W. Bush, it is not easy to see a Roman Catholic connection. However, there are facts which show clearly that he did his part to advance the cause of Rome in America.

    He appears to have favored the Roman Catholic ideology of Subsidiarity:

    Toward Real Decentralization

    Support for decentralized authority and an active civil society are embedded in conservative orthodoxy, but they play too small a role in conservative governing. Despite rhetorical nods to the value of federalism, localism, and non-governmental bodies, leaders on the right haven't done nearly enough to energize communities or arrest the upward trajectory of power and money. . .

    Bringing an energetic, productive form of decentralization to life will entail combining lessons from two extraordinary resources: the scholarship of Nobel laureate Friedrich Hayek and the concept of subsidiarity. Though the former emanates from the classical and Austrian schools of economics and the latter from a branch of communitarian Catholic social thought, both speak to the distribution of authority. Their complementarity is unexpected but illuminating. . .

    Many of Hayek's insights have been translated into a kind of political lingua franca that bridges philosophy and law. In his "Let the People Rule" speech in 1975, Ronald Reagan lauded "the local fraternal lodge, the church congregation, the block club, the farm bureau." In 1988, George H. W. Bush spoke of our "nation of community, of thousands and tens of thousands of ethnic, religious, social, business, labor union, neighborhood, regional and other organizations, all of them varied, voluntary and unique." . . . (Underscored emphasis added)

    On subsidiarity Reagan and Bush the Elder were on the same page.

    Bush had two appointments to the Supreme Court. His first, David Souter, was a huge disappointment; yet the result was that he and Republican presidents following him adopted the practice of vetting their Supreme Court nominees to be absolutely sure of their ultra-conservative credentials, and that assurance came with Roman Catholic appointments:

    George HW Bush was president for only 4 years, but he shaped the Supreme Court for decades

    In his single term in the Oval Office, George H.W. Bush presided over the end of the Cold War and liberalized international trade, signing the North American Free Trade Agreement.

    But Bush, who died Friday at 94, may have left his most enduring legacy on the Supreme Court, where he nominated two justices and paved the way for two more. . .

    His first nominee was David Souter, who retired from the court in 2009. Souter surprised the country shortly into his tenure by siding with the court’s liberals, inspiring a conservative rallying cry — “No more Souters!” — that continues to shape the nomination process to this day.

    Justice Clarence Thomas, Bush’s second nominee, is the longest-serving justice on the court and its most ardent conservative. The court’s most prolific author, Thomas has molded a generation of conservative legal scholarship. His former clerks hold top jobs in the Trump administration.

    The court often proves to be where presidents leave their most lasting mark. That appears to be the case with Bush.

    In the 25 years since he left office, the end of the Cold War gave rise to new tensions with Russia. NAFTA is on the chopping block, as protectionism gains steam. But Thomas remains on the court, and Souter’s legacy has all but ensured there will never be another justice like him. . .

    In addition to his Supreme Court nominees, Bush also appointed two future justices to the federal bench: Justice Samuel Alito to the 3rd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals and Justice Sonia Sotomayor to a U.S. District Court in New York.

    He also appointed John Roberts to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit, although Roberts was not confirmed. Bush’s son President George W. Bush later tapped Roberts to the position before nominating him chief justice, a positions he continues to hold.

    Justice Sonia Sotomayor, a liberal, was appointed to the Supreme Court by Barack Obama. It is unnecessary here to go into the complex politics that must have been involved in her successive appointments to the Federal courts. (Cf. Why Obama Picked Her; What They're Saying About Judge Sotomayor, 6-19-09.)

    Notwithstanding the Souter and Sotomayor appointments, Bush the Elder did a creditable job of advancing the Catholicization of the Supreme Court, beginning with Clarence Thomas:

    From Poverty to the Bench - Clarence Thomas

    Judge Clarence Thomas, President Bush's choice to succeed Thurgood Marshall on the Supreme Court, has always been quick to tell his friends and colleagues about the grinding poverty into which he was born in coastal Georgia. . .

    It was his opposition to preference programs for members of minority groups, friends say, that first brought him into the orbit of a small group of black conservatives who delighted in questioning the views of the traditional civil rights groups. Eventually he came to the attention of the Reagan Administration.

    Principally because of his solid legal background and his views as a black opponent of affirmative action he has long been regarded as a hot prospect for the Republican Party, which he joined shortly after Ronald Reagan was elected President.

    How Clarence Thomas came to the attention of the Reagan administration, and was subsequently rapidly advanced to the U.S. Supreme Court is an interesting history:

    Three questions for Clarence Thomas

    He wore a black beret and Army fatigues, warned people that a revolution was coming and memorized the speeches of Malcolm X.

    "I now believed that the whole of American culture was irretrievably tainted by racism," he once said, describing his reaction to the assassination of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.

    On Tuesday, that same man helped dismantle a key provision of the Voting Rights Act, one of the pillars of the civil rights movement. If he had his way, he would bury another pillar: affirmative action.

    There may seem to be a contradiction between the Clarence Thomas who was the angry campus radical in the 1960s and the conservative hero who sits on the U.S. Supreme Court today. But some legal observers say Thomas sees himself as a "prophetic civil rights leader" who is still fighting for the same cause -- a colorblind America. . .

    Thomas first attracted public attention in the early 1980s when President Ronald Reagan asked him to lead the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, which enforces federal discrimination laws. Thomas' opposition to affirmative action and criticisms of civil rights leaders during his tenure made headlines.

    In 1990, President George H.W. Bush appointed Thomas to the powerful U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit, a traditional steppingstone to the Supreme Court.

    Would Thomas have risen so far so quickly had he not been black?

    CNN legal analyst Jeffrey Toobin doesn't think so. In a biting 2007 New Yorker magazine review of Thomas' memoir, Toobin wrote that Thomas had never tried a case or argued an appeal in any federal court and had never produced any scholarly work when he made the D.C. appeals court.

    "Yale and Reagan treated him the same way, but he hates one and reveres the other," Toobin wrote. "Thomas never acknowledges, much less explains, the contradiction."

    When Bush selected Thomas in 1991 to replace Thurgood Marshall, the court's first black justice, the questions about Thomas' qualifications intensified. Bush said he picked "the best qualified" nominee, but Thomas questioned that in his memoir, saying even he had doubts about Bush's "extravagant" claim.

    "There was no way I could really know what the president and his aides had been thinking when they picked me," he wrote.

    Thomas' defenders say his performance on the high court has removed any doubts about his qualifications. They call him the most consistent conservative on the court, a man who won't sacrifice his principles to eke out a short-term judicial victory. (Underscored emphasis added)

    By his appointment of Clarence Thomas to the Supreme Court Bush the Elder made a huge contribution to the agenda of the Church of Rome.

    GEORGE W. BUSH

    The next Republican President of the United States after George H. W. Bush was his son George W. Bush. At the time of his election he was a member of the United Methodist Church and a professed "born-again Christian":

    George W. Bush Biography

    . . . George W. Bush credits his wife for bringing his life in order. Prior to marriage, he had several embarrassing episodes with alcohol. Soon after marrying Laura, he joined the United Methodist Church and became a born-again Christian. In 1981, the couple enjoyed the arrival of twin daughters, Barbara and Jenna. In 1986, Bush sold his struggling oil business to Harken Energy Corporation for stock and a seat on its board of directors. It was also at this time that he quit drinking and became deeply involved in his church. . .

    Although he was a Protestant, the Roman Catholic bishops played a huge role in both George Bush's election in 2000 and his re-election in 2004:-

    The 2000 Election Campaign:

    The Bishops' Biased Blessing

    Cardinal Bernard Law of Boston watched the Oct. 3 debate between presidential candidates Al Gore and George W. Bush, and he didn't like some of what he saw.

    Writing in the diocesan newspaper The Pilot, the influential Roman Catholic prelate concluded his regular column with a blast at the Democratic nominee.

    "How depressing," observed Law, "to hear the Vice President so explicitly on his pro-abortion position. He seems to have made his a one-issue party. Governor Bush, stating frankly his pro-life convictions, nonetheless acknowledged the complexity of the issue, the differences in viewpoint, and the fact that changes will not come overnight. Gore leaves little room for those who believe that the right to life is fundamental."

    Law's salvo on behalf of Republican candidate Bush was just one example of a crusade by the Catholic hierarchy to forge its flock into a unified force at the polls this year. Using abortion as a litmus test, many bishops and priests issued forceful calls for the Catholic faithful to vote "pro-life" -- an appeal that translated either implicitly or explicitly into support for Bush and other Republican candidates.

    While the news media focused its attention on the partisan posture of the Christian Coalition and some African-American churches, the political activities of the Roman Catholic Church, the nation's largest religious denomination, went little noticed.

    Examples of hierarchical politicking abounded:

    New York City: Archbishop Edward M. Egan issued an Oct. 29 pastoral letter urging Catholics to choose leaders who "share our commitment to the fundamental rights of the unborn." The letter, which was read in all churches in the Archdiocese of New York, came just nine days after a 45-minute private meeting between Bush and Egan at the archbishop's residence. This year, for the first time, Egan's Family Life/ Respect Life Office disseminated a "voter information pamphlet" that gave the stands of the presidential candidates and the candidates for the New York Senate seat on 11 issues. Of the four questions dealing with abortion, Bush was shown supporting the hierarchy's position, while Gore was shown opposing it.

    Chicago: Cardinal Francis George advised his parishioners that "abortion is a defining issue" both morally and politically. Writing in his Oct. 1 column in the archdiocesan newspaper The Catholic New World, he compared the practice of abortion in the United States to that of the Roman Empire. "The sin is the same; the name of the empire has changed," he observed. Abortion "has become a defining position politically," he said, "not because of the Church but because of its use as a litmus test to screen candidates' acceptability for party approval."

    New Orleans: The Clarion Herald, the official newspaper of the Archdiocese of New Orleans, editorialized that Catholics have a "serious obligation to vote according to moral principles and with a conscience formed in line with sound Catholic moral teaching." Focusing on the abortion issue, the Oct. 26 commentary quoted Bishop James Timlin of Scranton, Pa., who said, "I am a registered Democrat, but I can't in good conscience vote for people who are pro-abortion." The newspaper also noted that the presidential candidates "hold diametrically opposite views on this 'diabolical' evil."

    Some Catholics in Louisiana complained that priests went over the line into partisan politics during Oct. 1 sermons. Brent Petit of the Thibodaux Central Labor Council said, "While I understand and agree with the respect life theme, it should not be an excuse to promote the Republican Party, nor to bash the Democrats....While it is a noble mission to oppose abortion, when [priests] use the pulpit to promote or oppose political candidates because of their parties' position on this issue, they have stepped over the line and are threatening the separation of church and state that is guaranteed in our Constitution."

    Omaha: In September Archbishop Elden Curtiss blasted the Democratic Party for a platform plank on abortion that was "clearly anti-life and therefore anti-Catholic." Writing in the diocesan newspaper The Catholic Voice, he urged Catholics to "support those candidates who will protect human life in the womb."

    Milwaukee: On the Sunday before Election Day, the Rev. Joseph Noonan urged his parishioners at Our Lady of the Rosary Church to remember the Catholic position on abortion when they vote. According to the Associated Press, Noonan suggested that ignoring that stand could lead to excommunication. "I'm not telling you who to vote for," he observed. "I'm telling you who you may not vote for. In cases where there is not a 100 percent pro-life candidate, you do not vote. How can you?"

    Arlington, Va.: In perhaps the most over-the-top example of clerical arm-twisting, a priest in suburban Washington, D.C., threatened a parishioner with denial of communion for displaying Democratic bumper stickers on her car. The week before the election, Billie Ingrassia emerged from services at St. Agnes Catholic Church to find a letter on her windshield from the Rev. Thomas Vander Woude. The priest's missive condemned Ingrassia's "Vote Democratic" and "Democrats: Take Back the House" bumper stickers and wrote, "If you support the Democratic position of abortion then you have no business receiving Holy Communion since you placed yourself directly in opposition to this essential teaching of the Faith."

    According to The Washington Post, Ingrassia, a 76-year-old whose eight children attended Catholic schools, said she and her husband oppose abortion, and thought "it was not real polite to badger an old lady like me."

    Apparently frustrated by its inability to ban abortion and achieve other goals on the church's agenda, the Catholic hierarchy sharply ratcheted up its political activity during the 2000 elections. This year's escalated wave of political action stems from a decision at the bishops' 1998 conclave in Washington, D.C. By a 217-30 vote, the National Conference of Catholic Bishops adopted a 26-page resolution, crafted by Cardinal Law and allies, that makes banning abortion the top political priority of the church. . .

    After Bush faced harsh criticism for appearing at anti-Catholic (and racist) Bob Jones University during the GOP primary last spring, Republican leaders moved swiftly to make amends. Republican National Committee Chairman Jim Nicholson activated an RNC Catholic Task Force to win Catholic votes for Bush.

    According to The Philadelphia Inquirer, the effort was multi-faceted. During the Republican convention, the Task Force was assigned one of the prominent skyboxes in Philadelphia's First Union Center. The appearance there of Catholic priests in clerical garb gave the news media and the public the impression of a warm relationship between the party and the church.

    Task Force Chairman Brian P. Tierney arranged for Philadelphia Cardinal Anthony Bevilacqua to give the benediction on prime-time television the last night of the convention. The next day, Bevilacqua appeared with Bush and running mate Dick Cheney at a prayer breakfast in Center City that drew 700 religious and political leaders.

    The Inquirer said Tierney, a Philadelphia advertising executive with close ties to the cardinal, also helped build a 2.5-million person list of church-going Catholics to target for Republican appeals. The Task Force reportedly spent $1.5 million on that project and other outreach to Catholics.

    On the final weekend of the presidential election, Bush returned to Penn­sylvania to campaign. During the visit, Bush and his wife Laura held a 10-minute private meeting with Bevilacqua at the chapel house of St. Luke the Evangelist Church in Glenside. Asked if he sought the cardinal's vote, Bush replied, "I asked for his prayers.". . .

    Bevilacqua, one of the most right-wing and partisan prelates in the country, has harshly criticized members of the Supreme Court and other government officials for failing to adopt the church's position on abortion, sexuality, tax aid to religious schools and other church-state concerns.

    In his Aug. 4 speech at the interfaith breakfast in Philadelphia, Bevilacqua blasted the separation of church and state, as Bush and others listened.

    "If you study your history," he said, "you will learn that our Founding Fathers never intended that there be a high and impregnable wall of separation between state and religion." Calling for "productive collaboration" between church and state, he insisted the relationship should allow "their supporting hands to reach out to each other in time of need."

    Bevilacqua said much the same thing to members of the U.S. Supreme Court during a special mass for judges in Washington, D.C., back in 1988. Condemning the wall of separation, he demanded that the high court "restore the vital relationship between the church and the state, between religion and law."

    Concern about the Supreme Court is likely the key issue that moved the cardinal and other American prelates to anoint Bush this year. The Republican candidate has promised that his judicial appointments would be "strict constructionists," a term many interpreted to mean conservatives who will reverse decisions upholding abortion rights and church-state separation.

    When asked about the high court, Bush named as his favorite justices Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas. The bishops no doubt noted that these choices are both conservative Catholics who rail against abortion rights and support tax aid to religious schools and other ministries.

    In addition, Bush supports voucher subsidies for parochial schools, as well as "charitable choice" aid to church social services. He has promised to set up an "Office of Faith-Based Action" to lend government assistance to religious programs. (The bishops apparently decided to ignore the Texas governor's enthusiastic enforcement of the death penalty, a glaring violation of the hierarchy's "pro-life" stance.). . . (Underscored emphasis added)

    The 2004 Election Campaign:

    Group of Bishops Using Influence to Oppose Kerry

    For Archbishop Charles J. Chaput, the highest-ranking Roman Catholic prelate in Colorado, there is only one way for a faithful Catholic to vote in this presidential election, for President Bush and against Senator John Kerry.

    "The church says abortion is a foundational issue," the archbishop explained to a group of Catholic college students gathered in a sports bar here in this swing state on Friday night. He stopped short of telling them whom to vote for, but he reminded them of Mr. Kerry's support for abortion rights. And he pointed out the potential impact his re-election could have on Roe v. Wade.

    "Supreme Court cases can be overturned, right?" he asked.

    Archbishop Chaput, who has never explicitly endorsed a candidate, is part of a group of bishops intent on throwing the weight of the church into the elections.

    Galvanized by battles against same-sex marriage and stem cell research and alarmed at the prospect of a President Kerry -- who is Catholic but supports abortion rights -- these bishops and like-minded Catholic groups are blanketing churches with guides identifying abortion, gay marriage and the stem cell debate as among a handful of "non-negotiable issues". . .

    The efforts of Archbishop Chaput and his allies are converging with a concerted drive for conservative Catholic voters by the Bush campaign. It has spent four years cultivating Catholic leaders, organizing more than 50,000 volunteers and hiring a corps of paid staff members to increase Catholic turnout. The campaign is pushing to break the traditional allegiance of Catholic voters to the Democratic Party, an affiliation that began to crumble with Ronald Reagan 24 years ago.

    Catholics make up about a quarter of the electorate, and many conservative Catholics are concentrated in swing states, pollsters say. Conservatives organizers say they are working hard because the next president is quite likely to name at least one new Supreme Court justice. . .

    But never before have so many bishops so explicitly warned Catholics so close to an election that to vote a certain way was to commit a sin.

    Less than two weeks ago, Archbishop Raymond L. Burke of St. Louis issued just such a statement. Bishop Michael J. Sheridan of Colorado Springs and Archbishop John J. Myers of Newark have both recently declared that the obligation to oppose abortion outweighs any other issue.

    In theological terms, these bishops and the voter guides argue that abortion and the destruction of embryos are categorically wrong under church doctrine. War and even the death penalty can in certain circumstances be justified. . .

    Alexia Kelley, director for religious outreach for the Democratic National Committee, said Mr. Kerry's policies reflected overall Catholic teachings.

    The Republican Party is betting that many observant Catholics will disagree. The National Catholic Reporter reported that on a visit to the pope this year Mr. Bush asked Vatican officials directly for help in lining up American bishops in support of conservative cultural issues.

    For four years, the party has held weekly conference calls with a representative of the White House for prominent Catholic conservatives. To ramp up the Catholic campaign last summer, the party dispatched its chairman, Ed Gillespie, and a roster well-known Catholic Republicans on a speaking tour to Catholic groups throughout the swing states. . . (Underscored emphasis added)

    Here it must be remarked that such open political activism by the Roman Catholic hierarchy marked an astonishing change from earlier times when the Protestant population of America was alert to the deadly menace of papal domination. (Cf. The fact that. . .) In 1960, Roman Catholic presidential candidate John F. Kennedy had to go out of his way to give assurances that he would not take orders from the pope. The obvious transformation in America became manifest suddenly, but was the result of over a century of Roman Catholic conditioning. (Cf. Making America Catholic.)

    It is of great significance that the policy target of the Roman Catholic bishops in supporting George W. Bush's presidential campaigns was unequivocally contraception and abortion rights. This was not because of true concern about life in general, but a fierce defense of fundamental Roman Catholic dogma. There is a great deal of hypocrisy involved.

    George W Bush wasted no time in implementing policies in conformity with the Church of Rome's Social Doctrine. Some of them are described in the following article:

    Church, State And The Bush Administration

    On Dec. 20, President-elect George W. Bush invited some 30 clergy and other religious leaders to the First Baptist Church in Austin to discuss his commitment to public funding of religious ministries. Though the meeting was closed to the public and press, participants acknowledged that Bush repeatedly emphasized a broad range of proposals that would create partnerships between church and state.

    "This is not a political meeting," Bush told reporters before the formal discussion began. "This is a meeting to begin a dialogue about how to change people's lives." He added that he intends to focus attention on how the government "can encourage, as opposed to discourage, faith-based programs from performing their commonplace miracles of renewal."

    Many of the clergy who spoke with Bush came away with the impression that the president-elect would help secure funding for their ministries.

    The Rev. Virgilio Elizondo, a visiting professor at Notre Dame University and founder of the Mexican American Cultural Center in San Antonio, told the Catholic News Service that the session with Bush was "a breakthrough." Elizondo also noted his enthusiasm for a leader who "officially wants to encourage religious groups to help them do what they do."

    Bishop Carlton Pearson, a Tulsa, Okla., minister who supported Bush during the campaign, was even more blunt about the practical effects of the president-elect's proposals.

    "He's showing us the way to get around the paranoia of this whole idea of separation of church and state," Pearson said. "Nobody wants to be under control of the other but we do want to work and walk together."

    Therein lies the problem as far as supporters of the Constitution are concerned. In a nation where the government must remain neutral on religious matters and funding for ministries is supposed to be derived voluntarily from believers instead of being mandated by the state, many Americans get more than a little nervous when the president starts offering clergy ways to "get around" the First Amendment.

    For these reasons, Bush's clergy meeting which came just one week after Democrat Al Gore conceded raised eyebrows across the country. In fact, for those concerned with the separation of church and state, the meeting spoke volumes about the next president's priorities.

    "It was alarming to me that one of Bush's first official actions as president-elect was an assault on the First Amendment," said Barry W. Lynn, executive director of Americans United for Separation of Church and State. "This is a clear sign that the constitutional wall between religion and government is due to undergo sustained battering from the White House over the next four years.". . .

    Charitable Choice/Office Of Faith-Based Action

    While Bush's campaign was vague, and at times even evasive, about specific positions on many public policy issues, the Texas governor never vacillated on his enthusiastic support for "charitable choice."

    Charitable choice originated with former-Sen. John Ashcroft (R-Mo.) during the drafting of the 1996 Welfare Reform Act. The concept changed existing law to permit taxpayer-financed social service funding of churches and other "pervasively sectarian" groups where religion permeates every aspect of the institution. . .

    Religious School Vouchers

    Bush's father, the former President George H. W. Bush, recognized the early political cries from the Religious Right and parochial school lobbies for public funding of private religious schools through vouchers. While the elder Bush even expressed some half-hearted support for vouchers in the early days of the movement, there was never a strong commitment to the issue.

    The same cannot be said about George W., who by all accounts, is the strongest voucher supporter ever to occupy the White House. . .

    Government-Endorsed School Prayer

    As governor, Bush had relatively few opportunities to weigh in on prayer in public schools. But when he did, his position was in conflict with the separationist view of the Constitution and the Supreme Court.

    In 1994, Bush announced that he fully supports a constitutional amendment that would allow school boards across the country to make their own policies about school prayer. . .

    Ten Commandments and Civil Religion

    Official state support for religious texts and mottos is another area of church-state law that has drawn support from the new president.

    In June 1999, while campaigning in Virginia, reporters covering the presidential campaign asked Bush about his position on government endorsing the Ten Commandments. At the time, the issue was being debated in Congress as part of a larger bill on juvenile justice.

    Bush said he, unlike the justices on the Supreme Court, did not oppose government officials posting the Ten Commandments in schools and government buildings. "I have no problem with the Ten Commandments posted on the walls of every public space." When asked which version of the Decalogue he would support, Bush replied, "The standard version. Surely we can agree as a society on a version that everyone can agree to."

    Since there is no "standard" version, and different faith traditions translate and number the Commandments in different ways, Bush's answer made the candidate the subject of ridicule. More important than his theological ignorance, however, was the fact that his position on the issue reflected yet another example of Bush's opposition to church-state separation and Supreme Court precedent. (The Supreme Court ruled in 1980 that state support for the Ten Commandments violates the First Amendment.). . .

    Bush And Separation

    Bush was infrequently confronted with specific questions about his perspective on the First Amendment during the campaign, but reporters for U.S. News & World Report did attempt to pin him down on the issue of church-state separation during a December 1999 interview.

    Bush was asked if he thought the nation had gone too far in promoting religious neutrality in government.

    "Well, let me just say this," Bush responded. "I think we must maintain the balance of church and state. I think that's a really important principle." However, just before explaining the importance of funding religious ministries through charitable choice, he added, "It depends on the area that you're talking about."

    That qualifier is telling when considering his overall record on the issue and his commitment to public policies that would undermine the constitutional principle.

    "After reviewing Bush's record and hearing his plans for the next four years, his alleged support for the separation of church and state does little to ease my concerns," said AU's Lynn. "Rhetoric is one thing, reality is another. Our next president supports public funding of religion for social services and private religious schools, he's on record supporting a constitutional amendment on school prayer, he wants the Ten Commandments to be posted in all government buildings and he believes public schools should teach religion alongside science. In other words, he opposes most major Supreme Court rulings on church-state separation of the 20th century.

    "Anyone who supports the First Amendment's religious freedoms has every reason to be alarmed," Lynn concluded. "We have our work cut out for us." (Underscored emphasis added)

    George W. Bush's unwavering support for Charitable Choice was a revelation of his commitment to subsidiarity, one of the foundational principles of the Roman Catholic Social Doctrine. This is well stated by then Republican Senator Rick Santorum in a 1999 article:

    Subsidiarity at Work: a Catholic's Vision of Social Policy

    Is it possible to craft social legislation that is effective, but at the same time accommodates the obligations of human dignity? I believe it is and would like to discuss my efforts, through welfare reform and other targeted social, charitable, and educational reforms, to do so.

    In 1996 , the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act was passed by Congress and signed by President Clinton. It dismantled one of the original, overarching federal assistance programs—Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC)—and replaced it with Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF), a block grant program to the states. TANF gives enormous flexibility to states in determining how to use the block grant, while requiring states to place an increasing percentage of caseloads in work-related activities.

    As ranking member of the Human Resources Subcommittee on the House Ways and Means Committee during the 103 rd Congress, I drafted the welfare reform bill because too few of our poorer citizens were becoming economically self-sufficient and too many were trapped in a cycle of poverty. The welfare system as it stood had failed in its "war on poverty;" a new direction had to be taken. Indeed, the voter profile of churchgoing Catholics, as discussed in the November 1998 issue of crisis ("the Mind of the Catholic Voter"), accurately captured my own approach to this issue. I was concerned about the poor and how our then-current welfare system had failed them, but I was neither reflexively anti-government nor economically laissez-faire. . .

    Subsidiarity, solidarity, community, and faith: Precisely because individuals properly locate themselves in a "sphere of culture," welfare policy must recognize and accommodate that sphere, which includes, but extends beyond, the family. It includes what the pope calls "intermediate communities." We did not craft welfare reform to provide mere cash assistance. We crafted it to teach people about making choices and changing behavior. We crafted it as a more integrated approach to poverty and the poor. We crafted it with a commitment to reflecting a whole range of social-service providers and to the principle of subsidiarity. We believed, as the pope states so well in Centesimus Annus, that the welfare state, "by intervening directly and depriving society of its responsibility . . . leads to a loss of human energies and an . . . increase of public agencies which are dominated more by bureaucratic ways of thinking than concern for their clients."

    A provision in the new welfare law called "Charitable Choice" is a good example of the application of subsidarity. By reflecting in our public policy the belief that needs are best understood and satisfied by people who are closest to them and who act as neighbors to those in need, we create a place in our public life for institutions that foster solidarity and community and offer a moral vision. Charitable Choice greatly expands the ability of states administering TANF through federal block grants to provide services to welfare recipients through contracts with charitable, religious, and private organizations. In addition, states can now also provide such services through vouchers or certificates. Federal welfare providers did not have this flexibility under AFDC. Simply stated, Charitable Choice places religious organizations on an equal, nondiscriminatory basis with other groups when states decide to contract with private institutions for welfare services.

    Those of us who supported Charitable Choice believed that faith-based institutions, in particular, could effectively address the moral and spiritual dimension of poverty and could respond to that "deeper human need," which the public square neglects or stifles only at its own peril. . . (Underscored emphasis added)

    There are many pages on this website which seek to focus attention on subsidiarity as evidence of the extent to which the Roman Catholic Social Doctrine has penetrated the body politic of America. One sometimes thinks that the subject causes the eyes of some readers to glaze over. Others may think that the principle of limited government is written into the Constitution, and subsidiarity is no different. There is a similarity, but constitutional limited government stops short of relieving the central federal government of any responsibility to provide welfare and health services for the individual citizen:

    Subsidiarity, Federalism, and the Role of the State

    The principle of subsidiarity—the belief that decision-making should occur at the lowest level appropriate to its purpose—is a staple of conservative thought. In fact, it is sometimes asserted that subsidiarity “is a bulwark of limited government and personal freedom.” In general, local control is usually preferable to a decision-making process based on larger political units, in which the responsible officials are far-removed from the affected population. Local government officials are typically more responsive to individual citizens than are federal officials; local decision-making enables regional preferences and variations in lieu of stultifying uniformity; and voters can more easily replace an unresponsive local elected official than his state or federal counterparts.

    Subsidiarity and Federalism

    The principle of subsidiarity seems to dovetail with our system of federalism, which preserves the states as the basic unit of government. Distant bureaucrats often ignore the wishes of the public they supposedly serve. Nevertheless, local control is not a talisman; abstract concepts can become complicated when applied to real-life situations. In Federalist No. 10, James Madison warned that factions would have greater influence in a smaller polity than a larger one, as anyone who has endured the pettiness of small towns or homeowners’ associations can attest. Cities with a small number of voters may also be subject to corruption. Moreover, there are many instances in which larger units of government are more suitable—even necessary—to discharge important public functions. The Constitution assigns certain tasks to the federal government for this reason. Accordingly, it is simplistic to contend that local control is always preferable. . . (Underscored emphasis added)

    It is submitted that subsidiarity has needlessly caused unrelieved suffering for the economically deprived of America; and even for the more prosperous middle class who cannot afford the costs of a commercialized medical care system. Local control cannot remedy these inequalities, as we have pointed out in the past. (Cf. It will be noted that Roman Catholic "social order;" and While the Roman Catholics are having their argument.)

    In any event, Rick Santorum recognized the catholicity of George W. Bush, as did others:-

    George W. Bush, “closet Catholic”

    Shortly after Pope Benedict XVI’s election in 2005, President Bush met with a small circle of advisers in the Oval Office. As some mentioned their own religious backgrounds, the president remarked that he had read one of the new pontiff’s books about faith and culture in Western Europe.

    Save for one other soul, Bush was the only non-Catholic in the room. But his interest in the pope’s writings was no surprise to those around him. As the White House prepares to welcome Benedict on Tuesday, many in Bush’s inner circle expect the pontiff to find a kindred spirit in the president. Because if Bill Clinton can be called America’s first black president, some say, then George W. Bush could well be the nation’s first Catholic president.

    This isn’t as strange a notion as it sounds. Yes, there was John F. Kennedy. But where Kennedy sought to divorce his religion from his office, Bush has welcomed Roman Catholic doctrine and teachings into the White House and based many important domestic policy decisions on them.

    “I don’t think there’s any question about it,” says Rick Santorum, former U.S. senator from Pennsylvania and a devout Catholic, who was the first to give Bush the “Catholic president” label. “He’s certainly much more Catholic than Kennedy.”

    Bush attends an Episcopal church in Washington and belongs to a Methodist church in Texas, and his political base is solidly evangelical. Yet this Protestant president has surrounded himself with Roman Catholic intellectuals, speechwriters, professors, priests, bishops and politicians. These Catholics — and thus Catholic social teaching — have for the past eight years been shaping Bush’s speeches, policies and legacy to a degree perhaps unprecedented in U.S. history.

    “I used to say that there are more Catholics on President Bush’s speechwriting team than on any Notre Dame starting lineup in the past half-century,” said former Bush scribe — and Catholic — William McGurn.

    Bush has also placed Catholics in prominent roles in the federal government and relied on Catholic tradition to make a public case for everything from his faith-based initiative to antiabortion legislation. He has wedded Catholic intellectualism with evangelical political savvy to forge a powerful electoral coalition.

    “There is an awareness in the White House that the rich Catholic intellectual tradition is a resource for making the links between Christian faith, religiously grounded moral judgments and public policy,” says Richard John Neuhaus, a Catholic priest and editor of the journal First Things who has tutored Bush in the church’s social doctrines for nearly a decade. . .

    Bush and his administration, by contrast, have had no such qualms about their Catholic connections. At times, they’ve even seemed to brandish them for political purposes. Even before he got to the White House, Bush and his political guru Karl Rove invited Catholic intellectuals to Texas to instruct the candidate on the church’s social teachings. In January 2001, Bush’s first public outing as president in the nation’s capital was a dinner with Washington’s then-archbishop, Theodore McCarrick. A few months later, Rove (an Episcopalian) asked former White House Catholic adviser Deal Hudson to find a priest to bless his West Wing office.

    “There was a very self-conscious awareness that religious conservatives had brought Bush into the White House and that [the administration] wanted to do what they had been mandated to do,” says Hudson.

    To conservative Catholics, that meant holding the line on same-sex marriage, euthanasia and embryonic stem cell research, and working to limit abortion in the United States and abroad while nominating judges who would eventually outlaw it. To make the case, Bush has often borrowed Pope John Paul II’s mantra of promoting a “culture of life.” Many Catholics close to him believe that the approximately 300 judges he has seated on the federal bench — most notably Catholics John Roberts and Samuel Alito on the Supreme Court — may yet be his greatest legacy.

    Bush also used Catholic doctrine and rhetoric to push his faith-based initiative, a movement to open federal funding to grass-roots religious groups that provide social services to their communities. Much of that initiative is based on the Catholic principle of “subsidiarity” — the idea that local people are in the best position to solve local problems. “The president probably knows absolutely nothing about the Catholic catechism, but he’s very familiar with the principle of subsidiarity,” said H. James Towey, former director of the White House Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives who is now the president of a Catholic college in southwestern Pennsylvania. “It’s the sense that the government is not the savior and that problems like poverty have spiritual roots.”

    Moreover, people close to Bush say that he has professed a not-so-secret admiration for the church’s discipline and is personally attracted to the breadth and unity of its teachings. A New York priest who has befriended the president said that Bush respects the way Catholicism starts at the foundation — with the notion that the papacy is willed by God and that the pope is Peter’s successor. “I think what fascinates him about Catholicism is its historical plausibility,” says this priest. “He does appreciate the systematic theology of the church, its intellectual cogency and stability.” The priest also says that Bush “is not unaware of how evangelicalism — by comparison with Catholicism — may seem more limited both theologically and historically.”

    Former Bush speechwriter Michael Gerson, another evangelical with an affinity for Catholic teaching, says that the key to understanding Bush’s domestic policy is to view it through the lens of Rome. Others go a step further.

    Paul Weyrich, an architect of the religious right, detects in Bush shades of former British prime minister Tony Blair, who converted to Catholicism last year. “I think he is a secret believer,” Weyrich says of Bush. Similarly, John DiIulio, Bush’s first director of faith-based initiatives, has called the president a “closet Catholic.” And he was only half-kidding. . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

    Here we have the portrait of a president and a presidency completely captive to the papacy. It is no wonder that Elder Wm. H. Grotheer and Adventistlaymen's Foundation clearly perceived the formation of the Image to the Beast.

    The reader will have noted the statement in the above quotation that "Many Catholics close to him believe that the approximately 300 judges he has seated on the federal bench — most notably Catholics John Roberts and Samuel Alito on the Supreme Court — may yet be his greatest legacy." By means of Bush's Supreme Court appointments the Roman Catholics for the first time achieved a majority on the Court. That Roe v. Wade was not swiftly overturned is purely a matter of waiting for the opportune time politically, with an unwavering hard right Roman Catholic majority on the bench (remember the Kennedy and O'Connor swing voting record.)

    While the lower federal courts have played an important role in paving the way to that unwavering hard right majority, the Supreme Court alone has the power to overturn established law and change the Constitution by re-interpretation. Therefore the Church of Rome has relentlessly targeted the highest constitutional court in the land for control by Roman Catholic ideologues.

    The success of the George W. Bush administration in creating a hard right-wing majority on the Supreme Court is evidenced by the blatant hypocrisy and deceit  of John Roberts and Samuel Alito in their judgments involving Roman Catholic ideology.

    The Roberts Court, Stare Decisis, and the Future of Constitutional Law

    In this lecture, I hope to offer some interesting-perhaps even provocative-thoughts about the United States Supreme Court. I intend, at least in part, to express vexation, disappointment, and frustration. I trust I will succeed, at least in expressing my own annoyance at the current state of the law.

    In law school, we teach that the law is a ruthlessly rational discipline, devoid of emotion. That is a lie, but a useful one. We lie to our students because, in order for them to learn to "think like lawyers, "they must develop the capacity to argue with cool, clear, and calculating reason. They must learn to put their emotions aside and to use their powers of unsentimental, hard-edged, razor-steel reasoning to sharpen, define, and illuminate their arguments and analyses.

    We law professors are right to employ this little deceit, because without the capacity to reason in a brutally analytical manner, a lawyer is of no use to anyone. But, truth be known, the law is not only about hard-edged, analytical, pure-bred logic. It is also quite fundamentally about values, and although in law school we underscore the power of reason, we secretly hope that our students will never forget that the irresponsibility [sic] as lawyers is to use the power of reason to further certain values-the values of liberty, dignity, justice, and equality.

    Properly understood, of course, these are neither liberal nor conservative values. They are, rather, our constitutional values-freedom of speech, freedom of religion, the right to due process of law, freedom from cruel and unusual punishment, the right to equal protection of the laws, and so on.' These are the values to which all lawyers should be committed. Our responsibility as lawyers is to preserve and protect those values, and to do so with passion but always in a way that is intellectually candid, analytically rigorous, and closely reasoned.

    The first part of my thesis this afternoon is this: The current majority of the Supreme Court, and particularly Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito, are failing not only to preserve and protect fundamental constitutional values but also to fulfill their judicial responsibilities in a manner that is analytically rigorous, closely reasoned, and intellectually candid. These are strong words. This is not a talk for the faint-of-heart.

    At the core of my thesis is the principle of stare decisis. The doctrine of precedent is, of course, central to our legal system. It is based not on the assumption that prior judges are smarter than their successors but on the need for consistency, efficiency, predictability, and the need not to overpoliticize the judicial process and thereby undermine its credibility. . .

    But, despite the subtleties inherent in the use of precedent, underlying it must be a commitment to judicial integrity. It is the responsibility of the judge faithfully to apply precedent, to explain his or her reasoning in an honest and forthright manner, to acknowledge the difficulties when they arise, and to explain and to justify any departures from precedent. That is at the very heart of the judicial craft, and it is the very essence of a principled system of law.

    In their Senate confirmation hearings, John Roberts and Samuel Alito cast themselves as first-rate lawyers committed to the rule of law and, especially, to the principle of stare decisis.' Roberts assured the Senate that judges must 'be bound down by [strict] rules and precedents.""' He explained that the Framers of the United States Constitution "appreciated the role of precedent in promoting evenhandedness, predictability, stability," and "integrity in the judicial process." Although acknowledging that it is sometimes necessary for judges to reconsider precedents, he emphasized that this should be reserved for exceptional circumstances, where a decision has proved clearly "unworkable" over time. ' "[A] sound judicial philosophy" he reasoned, must recognize that judges work "within a system of rules developed over the years by other judges equally striving to live up to the judicial oath."'

    Similarly, Samuel Alito testified that stare decisis is "a fundamental part of our legal system."'8 He maintained that this principle "limits the power of the judiciary" and ensures that judges will "respect the judgments and the wisdom that are embodied in prior judicial decisions."9 Stare decisis, he added, is "not an inexorable command," but there is a "presumption that courts are going to follow prior precedents."

    It is hardly surprising that Roberts and Alito would pay such homage to stare decisis in their confirmation hearings. Stare decisis is a bedrock principle of the rule of law. No nominee who expressed disdain for the principle would ever be confirmed.

    Based largely on his quite convincing statements about the rule of law in his confirmation hearings, I publicly supported the confirmation of John Roberts. I wrote, in an opinion piece in the Chicago Tribune, that "Roberts is too good a lawyer, too good a craftsman, to embrace ... a disingenuous approach to constitutional interpretation. Everything about him suggests a principled, pragmatic justice who will act cautiously and with a healthy respect for precedent." Those are words I am now, sadly, quite prepared to eat.

    Disappointingly, it is apparent to me that John Roberts's and Samuel Alito's actions during the 2006 Term speak much louder than their words to Congress. In case after case, Roberts and Alito abandoned the principle of stare decisis, and did so in a particularly insidious manner, indeed, in a manner that brought forth the scorn not only of the so-called "liberals" on the Court, but even of Justices Scalia and Thomas.

    Their technique, . . . is to purport to respect a precedent while in fact cynically interpreting it into oblivion. Every first-year law student knows the tactic: "Appellant argues that Smith v Jones governs the case before us. But Smith v Jones arose out of an event that occurred on Main Street. The event in this case occurred on State Street. We do not overrule Smith v Jones, but we limit it to events that occur on Main Street." Although this is a parody of the technique of distinguishing a precedent, it captures the spirit of the Roberts/Alito concept of the judicial craft.

    Let me offer five concrete examples. First, in Gonzales v Carhart the Court, in a five-to-four decision, upheld the constitutionality of a federal law prohibiting so-called "partial birth abortions," even though the Court had held a virtually identical state law unconstitutional seven years earlier. As Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg rightly observed in dissent, the majority, which included Justices Roberts, Alito, Scalia, Kennedy, and Thomas, offered no principled basis for ignoring the earlier decision. The only relevant difference was that Alito had replaced O'Connor.

    Second, in Federal Election Commission v Wisconsin Right to Life, Inc., the same five-Justice majority held unconstitutional as applied a provision of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act that limited political expenditures by corporations, even though the Court had upheld the exact same provision only four years earlier. As Justice David Souter quite accurately observed in dissent, Chief Justice Roberts's opinion offered no principled basis for distinguishing the earlier decision.

    Third, in Hein v Freedom from Religion Foundation, Inc., the same five-Justice majority, in an opinion by Justice Alito, held that individual taxpayers had no standing to challenge the constitutionality of the Bush Administration's program of faith-based initiatives as violative of the Establishment Clause," even though the Court had held some forty years ago that taxpayers do have standing to challenge federal expenditures on precisely these grounds.' As Justice Souter rightly observed in dissent, Alito's argument that the earlier decision was distinguishable because it involved a challenge to a Legislative rather than an Executive Branch program had no basis "in either logic or precedent." . . .

    In these circumstances, Roberts and Alito had a responsibility either to comply with the law or, as Scalia and Thomas argued, to overrule the precedent and take responsibility for their decision. What they did instead was not sloppy or careless, it was dishonest. Why would they do this? . . .

    The sad truth is that Roberts and Alito seem to have been driven by nothing more than their own desire to reach results they personally prefer: they do not like abortion, they don't like speech that mocks Jesus, they don't like laws that regulate corporate speech, they don't like affirmative action, and they do like faith-based initiatives. If ever such phrases as "result-oriented" and "ideologically driven" ring true, it is in the conduct of Justices Roberts and Alito during the 2006 Term. It was among the most disheartening judicial performances I have ever witnessed. . .

    In the media, we constantly read about how "closely divided" the Court is and about how many cases are decided by a vote of five-to-four. There are, according to the media, the "conservative" Justices-Scalia, Thomas, Roberts, and Alito; the "liberal" Justices-Stevens, Souter, Ginsburg, and Breyer; and Justice Kennedy-the "man in the middle." The impression created by such accounts is that this is an "evenly balanced" Court. This is a fallacy and a dangerous one at that. . .

    The current Supreme Court is not "balanced" in any meaningful sense of that term. It is, in fact, an extremely conservative Court-more conservative than any group of nine Justices who have sat together in living memory. Here are some ways of testing this proposition:-

    -Seven of the current nine Justices were appointed by Republican presidents.

    -Twelve of the fourteen most recent Supreme Court appointments have been made by Republican presidents.

    -Four of the current Justices are more conservative than any other Justice who has served on the Court in living memory.

    -The so-called "swing vote" on the Court has moved to the right every single time it has shifted over the past forty years, from Stewart to Powell to O'Connor to Kennedy.

    -As Justice Stevens recently observed, every Justice who has been appointed in the past forty years was more conservative than the Justice he or she replaced.

    -If we regard Warren, Douglas, Brennan, and Marshall as the model of a "liberal" Justice, then there is no one within even hailing distance of a "liberal" Justice on the current Supreme Court.

    In fact, the current Court consists of five conservative Justices, four of whom are very conservative, and four moderate Justices, one of whom, Ginsburg, is moderately liberal. As Justice Stevens recently observed, it is only the presence of so many very conservative Justices that makes the moderate Justices appear liberal. But, this is merely an illusion. . . (Underscored emphasis added)

    It is hoped that the reader has not skipped over what is admittedly a long quotation from the lecture of Law Professor Geoffrey R. Stone. It is a devastating exposé of what the Church of Rome has wrought on the American judicial system through Republican presidents, although Professor Stone has not openly identified "the Beast." The Roman Catholic ideological commitment of Justices Roberts and Alito  in their biased and dishonest judgments is glaringly evident.

    Of the greatest concern to lovers of liberty of conscience is the separation of Church and State which is guaranteed by the Constitution. This is methodically being undermined to the point of collapse by the Roman Catholic justices of the Supreme Court. Proof of this is abundant in printed publications. The following is but one of numerous analyses:

    The Roberts Court and the Separation of Church and State.

    Separation of Church and State was one of the fundamental principles undergirding the new nation envisioned by the framers of the U.S. Constitution. Neither “God” nor any synonym for it appears anywhere in the Constitution. Article VI forbids any religious test “as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States.” And even before granting the freedoms of speech, the press, assembly, and petition, the First Amendment states that “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” Taken together, the “Establishment Clause” and the “Free Exercise Clause” of the First Amendment impose a delicate, dual obligation upon government, under which Congress can neither empower religion nor restrict it. But now this cornerstone of American government is under siege, its foundation threatened by an agenda-driven Supreme Court.

    The Establishment Clause

    The phrase “separation of church and state” derives from a letter by President Jefferson in 1802 where he wrote: “Erecting the wall of separation between church and state…is absolutely essential in a free society.” The wellspring of American anti-establishment thinking, however, was Jefferson’s successor, James Madison—the principal drafter of the Bill of Rights. He believed the attempt to “employ religion as an engine of good citizenship” to be “an unhallowed perversion of the means of salvation.”

    With Madison’s writings as its polestar, the Supreme Court has long interpreted the Establishment Clause as barring laws that favor one religion over another, or even religion in general over secularism. Government cannot declare any single religion to be the “true” religion; it cannot cede civil power to religious bodies; it cannot fund religious education directly or discriminate between religions in the distribution of funds. The Court has overturned numerous laws that violate the Establishment Clause, like those mandating bible reading, prayer, or the teaching of creationism in public schools. So important is the Clause that in the landmark 1986 case Flast v. Cohen, the Warren Court facilitated its enforcement with a remarkable and unique sanction: it ruled that every taxpayer has legal standing to challenge, as a violation of the Establishment Clause, the appropriation of congressional funds to finance religious instruction in schools. . .

    The “No Agenda” Roberts Court

    No such timidity inhibits the Roberts Court. Its rulings suggest a “pro-church” bias, and have enfeebled and muddied the meaning of the Establishment Clause. In the 2007 Hein v. Freedom from Religion Foundation case, the Court denied the taxpayer’s right to challenge government expenditures funding the Bush administration’s “faith-based initiatives.” In the 2011 Arizona Christian School Tuition Organization v. Winn case, the Court similarly denied Arizona taxpayers the right to challenge, under the Establishment Clause, tax credits for tuition payments to a parochial school. Both cases were 5–4 split decisions. In both cases, the Flast precedent granting taxpayer standing to sue was marginalized and implicitly overturned.

    At other times, however, the Court has shown timidity in applying the Establishment Clause. In the 2004 Elk Grove Unified School District v. Newdow case, for example, the federal Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals held that the words “under God” in the Pledge of Allegiance commonly recited in public schools violated the Clause. On appeal, the Supreme Court reversed the Ninth Circuit on purely procedural grounds. . .

    The “No Agenda” Roberts Court

    No such timidity inhibits the Roberts Court. Its rulings suggest a “pro-church” bias, and have enfeebled and muddied the meaning of the Establishment Clause. In the 2007 Hein v. Freedom from Religion Foundation case, the Court denied the taxpayer’s right to challenge government expenditures funding the Bush administration’s “faith-based initiatives.” In the 2011 Arizona Christian School Tuition Organization v. Winn case, the Court similarly denied Arizona taxpayers the right to challenge, under the Establishment Clause, tax credits for tuition payments to a parochial school. Both cases were 5–4 split decisions. In both cases, the Flast precedent granting taxpayer standing to sue was marginalized and implicitly overturned. . .

    “Stealth Overruling”

    Another touchstone by which to assess, if not measure, the results-orientation of a Supreme Court is the degree of agreement within the Court. In a 2006 interview shortly after his appointment, Roberts expressed his goal that the Court converge around narrow, unanimous opinions. In order to avoid the opposite result, 5–4 ideologically polarized opinions, he would try to persuade his colleagues to embrace narrow, minimalist opinions. Yet in the term following that promise, a full one-third of the Court’s decisions were 5–4, the highest percentage in a decade. . .

    In response to this distinct lack of consensus, legal analysts have noted that Roberts has made far-reaching decisions appear less so. His method: the majority and plurality opinions (which are assigned by Roberts) often change or reconceive precedents without formally overturning them. The Court’s treatment of the Flast precedent illustrates the practice. New York University law professor Barry Friedman has called this “stealth overruling.” In response, both Roberts’s liberal and conservative colleagues on the Court have accused him of “faux judicial restraint”—overturning precedent in fact but not in words. One could argue that the Warren Court demonstrated greater courage of its convictions with its more transparent activism. (Underscored emphasis added)

    (Cf. Federal judge says Chief Justice John Roberts is 'undermining democracy)

    The foregoing overview of the consequences of the George W. Bush appointments to the Supreme Court confirm the catholicity of his administration and demonstrate the irreparable damage to the rule of law by the politicization of the Court. Bush completed the foundation of a politicized and corrupt administration of justice in the United States of America.

    In 2006, roughly midway in George W. Bush's second term, a symposium was held at the Catholic University of St. Thomas, Houston, Texas. Prof. Michael J. Gerhardt, an expert on constitutional law, separation of powers, and the legislative process, made a presentation on the constitutional legitimacy of the recently established Roman Catholic majority on the Supreme Court. His reasoned analysis leads to the logical conclusion that it was unconstitutional:

    WHY THE CATHOLIC MAJORITY ON THE SUPREME COURT MAY BE UNCONSTITUTIONAL

    I agree with my fellow participants in this Symposium that the fact that the current Supreme Court has five Catholics—the most it has ever had at one time—is a positive, significant achievement for Catholics in the United States; however, I must otherwise dissent. . . These developments are encouraging and noteworthy, but they hardly tell the whole story of how, or why, we have a Catholic majority on the Roberts Court. We know, as Sheldon Goldman explains, that presidents Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and George W. Bush had specific political objectives in making their respective Supreme Court appointments;' however, the critical question is whether the criteria these presidents used to implement their objectives included the nominees' conformity with particular religious beliefs or traditions.

    In this Article, I examine two ways in which our national leaders may have damaged the rule of law in the course of appointing the current Catholic majority on the Roberts Court. First, in their zeal to control the Court through their appointments, our national political leaders may have demonstrated (perhaps unintentionally) a regrettable lack of faith in the rule of law. Their approach to selecting justices possibly evinced an apparent agreement with most political scientists who believe that justices do not follow the law, that law in the form of precedents does not constrain justices from either directly voting their policy preferences or manipulating precedent to maximize their personal or political preferences. Presidents Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and George W. Bush—and many Republican senators in 2005-2006—wanted to do what other previous leaders had failed to do: end liberal judicial activism, do away with the Supreme Court precedents they did not like, and transform the federal courts, particularly the Supreme Court, into consistent, if not enduring, conservative bastions. To achieve those objectives, they could not depend on the law to constrain justices to interpret the Constitution as they preferred. To the contrary, the people in charge of selecting Supreme Court nominees had to find justices who would rigidly adhere to their ideological preferences, and thus perform consistently with the expectations of the dominant social science models of the Court. Fulfilling the expectations of the nominating presidents came at the expense of our longstanding commitment to—and faith in—the principle that ours is a government of laws and not of people, even if those people had the right kinds of ideological (or religious) commitments. Insisting that the maintenance of a government of laws depends on appointing people with the right kinds of ideological commitments sacrifices another principle on which our faith in our system as a government of laws in turn depends, a principle which I call the golden rule of constitutional law: on the Supreme Court, justices recognize that they must treat others' precedents as they would like their precedents—the ones with which they approve—to be treated. Those who purport to speak truth to power must assess the possible damage done to the rule of law and the golden rule of constitutional law by the repeated insistence that ideology matters more than law.

    A second, serious problem with the process through which we acquired a Catholic majority on the Court may have been that some, if not all, of the appointments which made it possible may have been unconstitutional. The selections of at least some of these justices may have been unconstitutional—possibly violating Article VI's express prohibition of religious tests for federal office, the Fifth Amendment's Due Process Clause, or the First Amendment's prohibition against the stablishment of religion—because they might have been deliberately based in part on the nominees' religious convictions. The possible, ensuing violations are all the more unfortunate because it would have been easy to assemble a Catholic majority on the Court without sacrificing some of our constitutional commitments. . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

    The case is overwhelming that the George W. Bush administration was saturated by Roman Catholicism. The well-documented books, articles and reports, which establish that fact are too numerous to be quoted here. Their contents provide a view of Roman Catholic ideological domination of America which is the surest indication of how Rev. 13 (last Part) is rapidly being fulfilled. The religio-political world is menacing and ominous. It is pointing to the period of intense persecution which must be endured before the glorious day of Christ's Second Coming.

    DONALD J. TRUMP

    Unmitigated evil has been unleashed on the nation by the current presidential administration. In Donald Trump there entered upon the scene as the next Republican president after George W. Bush an incorrigible personality, devoid of morality and benevolence, a criminal, and moronic to boot.

    As proof of how low the Evangelical Right has sunk into biblical illiteracy and intellectual deficiency, they are Trump's loudest supporters. They are also the unwitting tools of the Roman Catholic hierarchy. In Facts of Faith, Christian Edwardson makes these comments on Rev. 13:

    The prophet continues: "He spake as a dragon." ... A nation speaks through its laws. This prophetic statement, therefore, reveals that a great change in policy is to come over our beloved country. The "dragon" is a symbol of pagan Rome, that persecuted the early Christians during the first three centuries. ...

    This prophecy also reveals what influence will be brought to bear upon our lawmakers and people to produce this sad change. We have already seen that "the first beast" of Revelation 13:1-10 represents the Papacy, and by reading the eleventh and twelfth verses we see that the effort of the lamblike beast will be to cause "the earth and them that dwell therein to worship the first beast, whose deadly wound was healed." That is: The whole trend is Romeward, therefore it must be Rome that is working in disguise to bring about such a trend. (p.239)

    The Papacy was formed by a union of church and state, which resulted in the persecution of dissenters. An "image," or "likeness" to the Papacy in America would be a union of church and state, or a co-operation between them, as in the days of papal Rome. And, seeing it is to be "an image to the beast," it cannot be the beast itself, but must be an effort started among Protestants, who desire the aid of the state to enforce some of their dogmas. (p.302) (Underscored emphasis added.)

    This was the perception of Edwardson in the 1940s, based on the prophetic Word and his extensive research on the objectives of Rome and her activities in America.

    The Church of Rome has always been the puppetmaster, until recent decades in the shadows; but increasingly in the open since the USCCB's "Pastoral Plan." of 1975.

    There was mixed reaction in the Vatican to the election of Donald Trump (MIXED VATICAN REACTION.) In the United States there is credible evidence that right-wing Catholics have been the power behind the throne (RIGHT WING SUPREMACY.)

    There is so much on the record about Donald Trump's assaults on democracy and the liberty of conscience guaranteed by the separation of church and state that this paper can only scratch the surface. Indeed, Trump is so "in your face" that only those who are willfully blind can fail to see the menacing course of events. The following is a sampling of what has been published about this odious character. (There is a paucity of leading publications such as the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Los Angeles Times, and many others, because they all now restrict online reading to subscribers, except for some archived articles.):-

    The following article is cited first because of the many internal hyperlinks to documentation which ranges from liberal Roman Catholic to conservative Republican. The publication is "progressive," which is regarded as left of liberal. The Church of Rome is hostile towards liberalism and its leftward tilt in progressivism. Seemingly oblivious of the religious liberty implications, liberalism and progressivism also tend to raise the hackles of conservative Seventh-day Adventists, many of whom are habitual Republican voters. There comes to mind the firestorm Elder Grotheer faced after publication of "The Forming of the Image To the Beast Is It Now Accomplished?" Complaints ranged from accusations of "political spin" to the promotion of "secular liberalism," all consistent with the influence of Roman Catholic propaganda. In any event, the following article with its internal hyperlinks contains assessments of Donald Trump's character from liberal to conservative perspectives that are worthy of serious consideration. By the way, liberal Roman Catholics are strangely loyal to an institution which is fundamentally the enemy of the very ideals which they hold dear:

    Why Trump Is Different than Reagan, Either Bush, Dole, McCain, or Romney—He’s Evil

    If we look at Republican candidates for president over the last forty years, we find one significant difference between Donald Trump and his party’s predecessors. Despite all of his forerunners’ failings, it would be a mistake to label any of them as evil. Mistaken or misguided at times? Yes. But evil? No. Even progressive leftists should admit that occasionally, and sometimes more than occasionally, the six pre-Trump Republican candidates displayed moments of basic human decency.

    A few definitions of evil are “profoundly immoral and wicked” and “something that brings sorrow, trouble, or destruction.” Doesn’t that fit Trump?

    Several months ago, Michael Sean Winters, who “covers the nexus of religion and politics” for the National Catholic Reporter, wrote of  “the seven deadly sins of Donald Trump.” One after another, the author ticks them off—greed, lust, gluttony, sloth, envy, wrath, and pride—and comments, “What we see with President Donald Trump and his cast of sycophants and co-conspirators . . . is a rare thing: All seven deadly sins on display at once.”

    Winters observes that “greed has long been a motivating factor in Trump’s life.” Since becoming president he has added greed and lust for power to his long-time pursuit of money and fame and his lust for women—the author just mentions in passing “that horrible tape,” where Trump (in 2005)  stated he was able to grab women “by the [*****].” And no mention is made of the some 23 women who since the 1980s  have accused Trump of various types of sexual misbehavior including rape. “The evidence of gluttony is an extension of his greed and lust for power: He not only wants power, he can’t get enough of it. Never enough money. Never enough women. Never enough wives. Like all gluttons, he leaves a mess in his wake.” Sloth? “As president, he famously can’t be bothered reading his briefing papers,” and as of late October, 2019, President “Trump had 224 golf outings.” Regarding all his mentions and put-downs of President Obama, “it must be envy.” As for wrath, Winters predicted “we will see more and more wrath in the coming months.” And sure enough we did in early February, at the 68th annual National Prayer Breakfast (see below) and with the firing of two men who testified against him in impeachment hearings. Finally, we come to pride, “the deadliest of the seven deadly sins.” “What astounds, really, is that Trump’s pride is the pride of the con man. He is proud of his ability to make people think he is a man of abilities when he really is a man of few gifts beyond those we associate with showmanship.”

    In earlier articles (see, e.g., this one of mid-2016), I have criticized Trump for his colossal egotism and lack of humility, a virtue that Winters identifies as pride’s opposite. Many others concerned with ethics have also commented on it, as conservative columnist David Brooks did in 2016 when he wrote that Trump’s “vast narcissism makes him a closed fortress. He doesn’t know what he doesn’t know and he’s uninterested in finding out. He insults the office Abraham Lincoln once occupied by running for it with less preparation than most of us would undertake to buy a sofa.” . . .

    Conservative Trump critics Michael Gerson and Peter Wehner also wrote a book on morality entitled City of Man: Religion and Politics in a New Era  (2010).In February 2019, Gerson delivered a requested sermon in Washington’s National Cathedral. Wehner remains a Senior Fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center.

    More recently Gerson wrote the essay “Trump’s politicization of the National Prayer Breakfast is unholy and immoral.” Trump used" a prayer meeting to attack and defame his enemies,” and “again displayed a remarkable ability to corrupt, distort and discredit every institution he touches,” Gerson observed. Now, after the Senate impeachment trial, Trump “is seized by rage and resentment,” and “feels unchecked and uncheckable.” Gerson also warned that Trump has “tremendous power,” and “we are reaching a very dangerous moment in our national life.” . . .

    Columnist Ross Douthat is still one more conservative religious critic of Trump. Author of a critical study of Pope Francis, Douthat has had this to say about our president: he is a “debauched pagan in the White House,” and he is clearly impaired, gravely deficient somewhere at the intersection of reason and judgment and conscience and self-control.”

    Among writers who are less conservative than Brooks, Gerson, Wehner, and Douthat, comments about Trump’s evilness is even more widespread. To take just one example, we have  Ed Simon, a HNN contributing editor. In an earlier article on Trump’s “religion,” I quoted Simon, “If the [Biblical] anti-Christ is supposed to be a manipulative, powerful, smooth-talking demagogue with the ability to sever people from their most deeply held beliefs who would be a better candidate than the seemingly indestructible Trump?”

    All of the above comments indicating Trump’s evils do not exhaust the list, and just a few should be amplified upon or added. 1) He is a colossal liar. As The Washington Post stated, “Three years after taking the oath of office, President Trump has made more than 16,200 false or misleading claims.” 2) He lacks empathy and compassion. For example, in late 2015, he mocked a journalist’s physical disability. 3) His boastful remarks about himself are examples of delusional pride—e.g., “in my great and unmatched wisdom,” and “I have a great relationship with the blacks.” 4) Although it’s no easy job to identify Trump’s worst sin, his greatest may be what he is doing to our environment.

    Any article dealing with Trump’s evil must contend with the overwhelming support he receives from Evangelicals. Why this is so and why they are wrong is dealt with by Wehner’s essay mentioned above. . . (Internal hyperlinks in the original; underscored emphasis added.)

    It is ironic that Michael Gerson served in the George W. Bush administration which paved the way for the likes of a Donald Trump, who is upheld by the right-wing Roman Catholic-Evangelical alliance to which he contributed.

    The sanctification of Donald Trump

    ‘Only God could deliver such a savior to our nation,’ campaign manager Brad Parscale says, echoing recent comments from other top aides.

    For his closest advisers, President Donald Trump is a godsend — literally.

    Trump’s campaign manager says the president was sent by God to save the country. The White House press secretary thinks God wanted Trump to be president. And the secretary of State believes it’s possible that Trump is on a holy mission to protect the Jewish people from the threat of Iran.

    Forget the allegations of extramarital affairs, the nonstop Twitter insults and the efforts to close the southern border to migrants. Trump’s allies insist that his presidency is divinely inspired.

    “There has never been and probably never will be a movement like this again,” Brad Parscale, the president’s campaign manager, wrote Tuesday morning on Twitter. “Only God could deliver such a savior to our nation, and only God could allow me to help. God bless America!” . . .

    The president, who doesn’t regularly attend church services, has emerged as an unlikely ally of the evangelical right, building close relationships with influential conservative religious figures. The White House screened an anti-abortion movie earlier this month, part of a broader strategy to energize evangelical voters ahead of the 2020 elections by amplifying false claims about late-term abortions.

    But for observers of American history and advocates for the separation of church and state, the assertions that Trump’s presidency is endorsed by God are alarming. . .

    Timothy Naftali, a presidential historian, said, “What these political lieutenants are saying to the faithful is that, 'You have no choice; God has told you how you must vote.'

    “Republican administrations historically have talked about individual rights, the autonomy of the individual, preventing government from dictating political choice," he said. "By bringing the sacred into politics, they are actually imposing a view onto his followers and depriving them of a freedom of choice.” . . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

    Opinion: Why Trump appeals to so many Catholics and evangelicals

    Even a sinner can be God’s instrument in the battle against the secular state

    To this day, there are many people who would like to put religion back into the center of public and political life. This is presumably what U.S. Attorney General William Barr, a deeply conservative Catholic, meant when he denounced “secularists” for launching an “assault on religion and traditional values.”

    Prejudice against Catholics as enemies of liberty and potential traitors (because of their spiritual allegiance to Rome) also died hard.

    In 1821, John Adams wondered whether “a free government [can] possibly exist with a Catholic religion.”

    Anglo-American freedom and democracy was traditionally associated with rugged Protestant individualism; Catholics were believed to be reactionary slaves to an ecclesiastical hierarchy. Individualistic Protestants were free-thinking, industrious, and devoted to making the best of themselves (materially, as much as spiritually), whereas Catholics were backward and not infrequently lazy. . .he strident views of a U.S. attorney general are not the only sign that times have changed significantly.

    Only one Supreme Court justice is a Protestant (Neil Gorsuch), and even he was raised Catholic. Three justices are Jewish. The other five are Catholics (some with ties to Opus Dei, a secretive organization that began to flourish in fascist Spain in the 1930s).

    The other historic change, which began in the latter half of the 20th century, is evangelical Christians’ political alignment with conservative Catholics.

    For a long time, American Protestants were happy to live with a constitution that shielded their religious lives from state intervention. Spiritually neutral governments could be ceded the public sphere, as long as they left religious believers alone.

    This changed after the Civil Rights movements in the 1960s, which alarmed many white Christians, especially in the southern states. Today, evangelicals, like Catholic conservatives, are among President Donald Trump’s most ardent supporters. They, too, believe that family and faith are under siege from liberals and secularists.

    Even a sinner can be God’s instrument

    To both groups, the fact that Trump is not known to be religious, and that his life has been anything but a model of traditional Christian morality, is irrelevant. . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

    That the Ronald Reagan administration was swarming with Roman Catholic advisors is a well-established fact. That the George W. Bush administration was  openly dominated by Roman Catholics has been heavily documented. However, Bush had to maintain a delicate balance between them and the Evangelicals in the newly emergent Religious Right alliance:

    Now, in the Trump administration it is the Evangelicals who are swarming all over the White House and the Oval Office; but they are now so melded with Roman Catholicism that this is the dominant influence. The Evangelicals serve as proxies of convenience:-

    Evangelicals 1
    Photo surfaces of evangelical pastors laying hands on Trump in the Oval Office
    Evangelicals 3
    The Year The Religious Right Moved Into The White House December 19, 2017
    Evangelicals 2
    Brian Houston, Christian worship leaders pray for Trump, visit Oval Office
    Evangelicals 4
    "Evangelical leaders" meeting with Trump at White House

    The evidence is overwhelming that the Evangelicals are fronting for Rome, although not in lockstep with all of the aims of the papacy.  First the evidence of the Evangelicals as proxy for the Church of Rome and her Social Doctrine:

    'The most Catholic administration we've had': Boosters look to capitalize on Trump social issues record

    President Trump's campaign is increasing its efforts to court Catholic voters with a new campaign coalition, Catholics for Trump, by focusing on the president's support for such issues as religious freedom and opposition to abortion.

    The coalition, which was set to launch in Milwaukee next week, seeks to rally Catholics behind the Trump administration's vision of "the common good," as it relates to Catholic teaching on social issues that right-leaning Catholics have long championed. The launch event has been postponed because of fears of a coronavirus outbreak, and a campaign spokesperson told the Washington Examiner it has not yet been rescheduled.

    Pandemics notwithstanding, many Catholic leaders say they are excited to throw their support behind Trump in 2020. That mood is much different than in 2016, when many Catholics supported Trump, "despite a big question mark in their minds," said Frank Pavone, national director of Priests for Life who served on Trump’s Catholic Advisory Group in 2016. Pavone became a controversial figure directly before the 2016 election, when he delivered a sermon about abortion while after placing what he claimed was an aborted baby on an altar.

    "They weren't quite sure what they were going to get," Pavone said. "What they were more sure about is what they would not be getting by rejecting Hillary. Now, however, the question mark has changed into an exclamation point."

    For Pavone, who is expected to help lead Catholics for Trump, that exclamation point is Trump's expressive support for the anti-abortion movement, manifested most recently in his speech at the 2020 March for Life — the first such presidential in-person appearance at the anti-abortion rally. Other exclamation points include Trump’s Supreme Court appointments and his Cabinet member picks, which include a number of practicing Catholics, White House counsel Pat Cipollone and Attorney General William Barr among them.

    Appointments such as Barr, as well as the possibility of a conservative majority on the Supreme Court, are part of what should drive Catholics to Trump, Pavone said, adding that these are the ways Trump has proven that he is friendly to “the Catholic vision of things.”

    Brian Burch, president of CatholicVote.org, an organization supporting Trump, but officially unaffiliated with the campaign coalition, extended that endorsement.

    "This is the most Catholic administration we've had in American history, both at a policy level and at a personnel level," he told the Washington Examiner, citing Trump’s support for the “sanctity of life, the family as the foundational social unit, and the necessity of religious liberty.”

    Barr, in particular, has pleased Catholics supporting Trump. Under him, the Department of Justice seeks to defend religious freedom "zealously," officials told reporters during a Monday press briefing. Since Barr assumed his post in February 2019, the Justice Department has filed statements of interest in many cases involving Catholic and otherwise religious institutions over religious liberty issues. . .

    Barr has also stirred controversy in his speeches, speaking out against the "militant" and "growing ascendancy of secularism and the doctrine of moral relativism" last year at the University of Notre Dame. Barr delivered a similar speech in February at the National Religious Broadcasters Convention in Tennessee. He is also set to speak at the National Catholic Prayer Breakfast at the end of March, where he will receive an award for his "long history of dedicated public service and his commitment to the defense of the vulnerable and religious liberty."

    The Trump administration has only earned such plaudits from Catholic leaders after several years. Early in the 2016 campaign, Trump had faced serious opposition from many Catholic leaders, especially after he called Pope Francis "disgraceful" for questioning his stance on border security. CatholicVote.org was skeptical and opposed him during the primaries, pointing to his lack of “clear guiding principles, and a history of unpredictability.” The group was one of the many that called upon Trump to step down after the Access Hollywood tapes leaks in October showed Trump making lewd comments about women.

    "If Donald Trump is unwilling to step aside, the Republican National Committee must act soon out of basic decency and self-preservation," the organization wrote at the time.

    But once elected, Trump’s presidency proved encouraging, and CatholicVote.org warmed to him. Even before Catholics for Trump was announced, CatholicVote.org already was organizing, along with the nonprofit Knights of Columbus, to register and inform voters about their choices in November. . .

    But even with these obstacles, the Trump campaign’s outreach efforts to Catholics in 2020 is much more organized than its push in 2016, which, in the beginning, was nonexistent. That changed, however, when Deal Hudson, the director of Catholic Outreach for George W. Bush’s 2000 and 2004 campaigns, convinced the Trump campaign to begin courting Catholic voters in 2016 through a series of tweets and meetings with Catholic leaders.

    Once Trump secured the nomination, the campaign organized a Catholic Advisory Committee, including Pavone, former Sen. Rick Santorum, and Matt Schlapp, chairman of the American Conservative Union. The group promised to steer Trump on religious liberty, abortion, and Supreme Court issues. (Underscored emphasis added.)

    The reader will note the underscored passages; and particularly what is stated about Bill Barr, Attorney-General of the United States charged with the administration of justice. There is more about this man as a corrupter of justice and the law later in this paper.

    Members of the Catholic hierarchy in America at the highest level have also expressed their support for the re-election of Donald Trump:

    Trump says he’s ‘best president in history of the Church’ in call with Catholic leaders

    President Donald Trump identified himself as the “best [president] in the history of the Catholic Church” in a conference call for Catholic leaders and educators Saturday, where he warned that issues at stake in the upcoming presidential election, particularly on abortion and religious liberty, “have never been more important for the Church.”

    Trump also pledged support for Catholic schools in light of the global coronavirus pandemic.

    In an audio recording of the meeting obtained by Crux, the president repeatedly emphasized his support for the pro-life movement and school choice, attempting to paint a stark contrast between his administration and what a Democratic presidency could mean for Catholics.

    Crux was told by two participants that over 600 people were on the call, including Cardinal Timothy Dolan of New York, Cardinal Sean O’Malley of Boston, Archbishop Jose Gomez of Los Angeles and president of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB), Bishop Michael C. Barber of Oakland, chair of the USCCB committee of Catholic Education, as well as the superintendents of Catholic schools for Los Angeles and Denver, among others. . .

    Yet the president’s most frequented theme in his opening remarks was that of his commitment to pro-life cause, saying that it has “been at a level that no other president has seen before, according to everybody.”. . .

    He also referenced his support for the Mexico City policy, which prevents federal funding for NGO’s that provide abortion related services. The policy was instituted by President Ronald Reagan and has been reinstated by every Republican president since 1984. (On the call, however, the president erroneously stated that Reagan was the last to sign it.)

    He also highlighted his opposition to the Johnson Amendment, which prevents tax exempt institutions from endorsing or opposing political candidates. He described it as “very viscous,” adding that “I got rid of it so you can express your views very strongly.”

    Following approximately 15 minutes of opening remarks, the president also took questions a pre-selected pool of participants before opening it up to others on the call.

    Dolan was the first to speak, whom the president hailed as a “great gentleman” and a “great friend of mine,” adding that he respects what the cardinal “asks for.”
    The New York cardinal said he was “honored to be the lead-off batter, and the feelings are mutual sir,” noting that the two had been on the phone often in recent months and joking that the cardinal’s 90-year-old mom in Missouri says “I call you more than I call her.”

    Dolan praised the support of DeVos, Carson, and special counselor to the president Kellyanne Conway as “champions” and “cherished allies in our passion for our beloved schools.”

    The cardinal focused on education, saying that it concerns “parental rights, educational justice, and civil rights of our kids” and thanked the president for his “courageous insistence that the nonprofits, faith communities, and our schools be included” in the recent stimulus package.

    He warned, however, that current funding toward schools is only guaranteed through this academic year and that many Catholic schools around the country are “really scared” about September, saying that tuition assistance for parents to continue to send their children to Catholic schools was greatly needed.

    “Never has the outlook financially looked more bleak, but perhaps never has the outlook looked more promising given the energetic commitment that your administration has to our schools,” Dolan told the president. “We need you more than ever.” (Underscored emphasis added.)

    Here we see in the statement of Cardinal Dolan naked acknowledgement of an intimate relationship with Donald Trump, and also a fervent cry for federal financial aid to Roman Catholic schools, multiplying the violations of the constitutional separation of Church and State. Note the spotlight shone on the influence of DeVos, Carson, and Conway. (Cf. BEN CARSON - PSEUDO SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST.)

    However, not all Catholics are in agreement with the Church's leaders, who have come under severe criticism. The dissidents see a capitulation of the Church to the Republican Party and Donald Trump. In reality Trump is evidence of the Republican Party's now decades long capitulation to Rome. The following article is valuable for some of what it exposes:

    Editorial: Dolan delivers the church to Trump and the GOP

    The capitulation is complete.

    Without a whimper from any of his fellow bishops, the cardinal archbishop of New York has inextricably linked the Catholic Church in the United States to the Republican Party and, particularly, President Donald Trump.

    It was bad enough that Cardinals Timothy Dolan of New York and Sean O'Malley of Boston, joined by Los Angeles Archbishop José Gomez, currently also president of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, participated in Trump's phone version of a campaign rally on April 25. With hundreds of others on the call, including Catholic educators, the bishops were once again masterfully manipulated. They previously gave Trump certain campaign footage when they delivered Catholics to his speech at the March for Life rally in Washington early in the year.

    Now Trump will have Dolan's language from the call, telling everyone that he considers himself a "great friend" of Trump, for whom he expressed mutual admiration as "a great gentleman." The cardinal went on to say that he was "honored" to lead off the comments on the call.

    The whole cringe-worthy exchange (yes, Trump did self-describe as "the best" president "in the history of the Catholic church") was made worse the next day when Dolan provided more campaign footage from inside St. Patrick's Cathedral in announcing that the president was "worshiping with us," purportedly livestreaming the Mass at the White House.

    Friendships have existed in the past between U.S. presidents and princes of the church. How those affected the church's involvement in politics and policy, negatively or positively, differed from one circumstance to another. But it is rare, if not unprecedented, that the church's leadership apparatus would be co-opted to the degree seen in the case of Trump.

    Certainly, it is without precedent that the leadership would cozy up so cravenly to a president whose most consistent attribute is an uncontrollable propensity for lying, continuously and about everything. He is dangerously disconnected from reality and is defined by characteristics that normally are condemned from pulpits.

    In People of Hope, a book-length conversation Dolan conducted with journalist John L. Allen Jr. published in 2012, a chapter is devoted to politics in which the cardinal concedes that there is an understandable perception that the U.S. bishops are in a "de facto," in the questioner's words, alliance with the Republican Party.

    The reality, Dolan contends, is more complex. "My experience is that we bishops are actually fairly scrupulous in wanting to avoid any partisan flavor."

    One might reasonably conclude today that such scrupulosity has gone out the window. For Dolan and his fellow episcopal travelers, the all-consuming issue is abortion. That tops the agenda in any political consideration. Allen asked: "Are you saying that the perception of being in bed with the Republicans, or the political Right, is the PR price that has to be paid for taking a strong stance on abortion?"

    "Yes, that's exactly right," Dolan answered.

    Unfortunately, the bishops have paid a much higher price than poor public relations in their political strategy the past four decades. Abortion is a serious subject that they've turned into a political volleyball in a game with no winners except the groups on the extremes of the issue who cash in every four years, sustaining careers and an endless debate.

    In one interesting concession to reality, Dolan notes during the conversation that no less a conservative hero than the late Jesuit theologian and cardinal, Avery Dulles, often asked whether a legal ban on abortion could be enforced, noting that Thomas Aquinas advised against pursuing unenforceable law.

    That is a reasonable question, particularly in the current context. NCR has always held up the efficacy of church teaching on life issues, especially as embodied in Cardinal Joseph Bernardin's consistent ethic of life. At the same time, we have regularly and strongly objected to what the bishops were doing in the public square regarding the issue of abortion because the strategy has proven most effective in dividing the Catholic community and turning the institutional church into a partisan enterprise. . .

    It is quite a stretch to take the role of moral absolutist on the matter of abortion when you've demonstrated a capacity to engage in a degree of relativism that is truly breathtaking when dealing with horrible abuse of children. Their own behavior over decades of covering up abuse puts the lie to the sanctimonious posturing about the absolute dignity of every person.

    This unholy alliance with Trump, coupled with the GOP stacking of the Supreme Court, may get the bishops the abortion ban they so covet, but it will not end the debate. They may even get the federal money they desperately need to extend the fading life of Catholic schools. But all of it will have been purchased at the expense of a whole range of other life and justice issues.

    It will have been purchased in concert with a president whose primary modus operandi is that of a bully devoid of empathy or concern for the common good. If one actually believes Trump's current gushing about Catholic schools and the right to life, Dolan might also be offered a great deal on a bridge somewhere in the vicinity of the cathedral.

    It need not be this way. The bishops themselves, in the conclusion to "Faithful Citizenship," describe a different approach. It is worth repeating the points here:

    "The Church is involved in the political process but is not partisan. The Church cannot champion any candidate or party."

    "The Church is engaged in the political process but should not be used. We welcome dialogue with political leaders and candidates; we seek to engage and persuade public officials. Events and photo ops cannot substitute for serious dialogue."

    "The Church is principled but not ideological."

    The Catholic bishops' uncritical alliance with Republicans and Trump obliterates those principles and allows Catholics to dismiss the document as lacking any serious intent.

    The alliance also further distances the church from any leverage it might otherwise possess on a host of issues on the Catholic social justice agenda deeply affecting life of the vulnerable and marginalized, as well as from any hope of brokering modifications to abortion on demand with Democrats.

    The Catholic voice, capable of a priceless contribution to the public conversation, has been sold for cheap to political hucksters. (Underscored emphasis added.)

    It is ironic that Roman Catholic publications such as Crux and the National Catholic Reporter are acknowledging the intricate connection of their hierarchy with the Republicans and Donald Trump. The latter's editorial excoriates the Bishops' support of both the party and the President, and exposes the hypocrisy of their implacable so-called "pro-life" campaign. Corporate Seventh-day Adventist Church leaders, where is your support for separation of church and state?! Where are your warnings against assenting to the deadly dogma of the immortality of the soul, and against the Beast and its Image - the False Prophet?!

    The Roman Catholic leaders participation in the telephone call with Trump has stirred widespread criticism in the Catholic world as evidenced in the following report:-

    Cardinal Dolan defends himself after letter criticizing him for Trump call

    More than 1,000 Catholics have signed an open letter in protest of Cardinal Timothy Dolan’s phone call with President Donald Trump and a follow-up interview on Fox News, labeling the president as “not pro-life.”

    “Your recent phone call with President Trump and appearance on Fox News sends a message that Catholic leaders have aligned themselves with a president who tears apart immigrant families, denies climate change, stokes racial division and supports economic policies that hurt the poor,” they wrote in the letter which was published on Friday with the names of the signatories.

    “Please speak truth to power and refrain from giving even the appearance that bishops have their hands on the scales in this election,” it continued. . .

    Clearly the Roman Catholic laity are not in lockstep with the hierarchy. However, this is primarily a family disagreement. Liberals and conservatives alike are still devoted to Mother Church. Furthermore, there can never be a pontiff committed to freedom of conscience and individual liberty. Moreover, there is amply documented evidence that "liberal" Pope Francis is engaged in a Machiavellian relationship with Vladmir Putin of Russia (Cf. Why the Pope ❤ Putin.) (Exploration of how this impacts the unfolding of end-time prophecies has to be postponed to a later time.) It is also probable that the Pope has reached an accommodation with Trump.

    Donald Trump is having a profound impact on the federal courts. His nominees for the federal bench are dominantly members of the Federalist Society, about which there is more information in PART III of this paper, together with details of the Society's  corrupting and menacing influence on the judicial system.

    PART III: UNRESTRAINED LAWLESSNESS UNDER CLAIM OF LEGALITY

    LEGITIMATION OF UNRELENTING LAWLESSNESS IN ACTION LAWLESS TRUMP
    THE SPIRITUAL DIMENSION

    LEGITIMATION OF UNRELENTING LAWLESSNESS IN ACTION

    After over three years in the presidency of the United States, Donald Trump has acquired a well-earned reputation for lawlessness, much of it under what is a spurious claim of unitary executive powers:-

    How Justice Scalia paved the way for Trump’s assault on the rule of law

    Three words: “the unitary executive.”

    The past couple of weeks began a new phase for the Trump administration and, potentially, for the institution of the presidency.

    Emboldened by his acquittal in a majority-Republican Senate, President Trump spent the past week firing officials who testified against him in impeachment proceedings — part of a rash of retaliation that my colleague Zack Beauchamp labeled “Trump’s purge.”

    Then Trump sent a tweet denouncing the Justice Department’s suggestion that Roger Stone, a Trump ally convicted of making false statements, obstruction, and witness tampering, should receive a stiff sentence of seven to nine years. The Justice Department swiftly changed its recommendation, over the apparent protest of four career prosecutors who withdrew from the case. At least one of these prosecutors appears to have resigned entirely from the DOJ.

    Attorney General William Barr, for what it’s worth, claims that “the president has never asked me to do anything in a criminal case.” But Trump credited his attorney general for the swift turnaround in the Stone case. . .

    The Justice Department’s swift compliance with Trump’s wishes was widely condemned by DOJ alumni, who spoke of why it is important that the nation’s prosecutorial arm retain a degree of independence from its political leader. As Joyce White Vance, a former United States attorney, wrote in Time, if Trump “can corrupt the criminal justice system for the benefit of his friends, there is no reason he cannot also use it to retaliate against those he views as enemies.”

    In this sense, the Justice Department is fundamentally different from other federal agencies. While those agencies can wield tremendous power over federal policy, DOJ is tasked with the awesome power to prosecute crimes — and with it, the power to ruin the lives of a president’s political enemies.

    For Barr, however, the idea that the Justice Department would be subservient to the president isn’t simply acceptable; it is a constitutional necessity. (Although Barr has also claimed he would not bring a criminal investigation solely because the president wished to investigate a “political opponent.”)

    Last November, Barr spoke to the conservative Federalist Society’s annual lawyers convention. His speech focused on the proper role of the presidency, and on the theory of the “unitary executive.” As Barr described that theory, which he enthusiastically supports, every power exercised by the executive branch “must be exercised under the President’s supervision.”

    That no one in the executive branch should be independent of the president, and that such independence is in fact constitutionally illegitimate, is one of the core beliefs pushed by conservative legal groups such as the Federalist Society.

    More than three decades ago, in Morrison v. Olson (1988), Justice Antonin Scalia published a lonely dissent articulating this theory of the unitary executive. Though no other justice joined Scalia’s opinion in 1988, the Morrison dissent gained a cult following in subsequent years. That cult now includes some of the most powerful people in the country — including Barr and several current members of the Supreme Court.

    Indeed, the Supreme Court will hear a case early next month that could make Scalia’s theory of the unitary executive the law of the land. . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

    The right-wing Roman Catholic majority on the Supreme Court may be poised to rule in favor of the unitary executive theory. The sword of Damocles hangs over the weakened liberal democratic constraints on dictatorial governance in America. Government of the people, by the people, for the people is perishing from the earth, with no hope of a new birth of freedom. Here the bad relations between the papacy under Pius IX and the United States during the Civil War is meaningful when considered with the fact that Pope Francis used the very same lectern used by Abraham Lincoln for his Gettysburg address for his speech in front of Independence Hall, Philadelphia, in 2015. It is reasonable to consider what message the Pope intended to convey: an improbable "new birth of freedom" by a reconciliation between liberal democracy and the papacy, or the triumph of liberty-stifling Rome?

    The Catholic publication Crux provides an informative history of the confrontational relationship between the United States and Rome at the time of the Civil War and its aftermath:

    The lowest point in U.S.-Vatican relations will be hard to beat

    When a United States president seen as an arch-conservative meets a pope seen as a darling of the left, people could be forgiven for wondering if U.S.-Vatican relations are on their way to a new low point.

    Will Donald Trump and Pope Francis even be able to find any sort of common ground? (Hint: Yes.)

    But even if Trump storms out of the Apostolic Palace with a scowl on his face and Francis refuses the traditional exchange of gifts, it will be nowhere near the lowest point in the relationship.

    For that, you would need a civil war, a presidential assassination, as well as complete incomprehension of the other’s worldview: You would have to go back over 150 years, during the reign of Pope Pius IX.

    Pius, like Francis, began his pontifical career as a reformer, although the Vatican was a hugely different affair at the time. The pope was still an absolute monarch in his domain, but instead of ruling 110 acres with a population measured in the hundreds, Pius ruled the Papal States, which stretched through central Italy and had a population of over 3 million, ranging from south of Rome to Bologna in the north.

    Pius was elected as a liberal, and started a slow reform, much like his 21st century successor. However, in Pius’s case, the reform was not considered good enough by liberals, and they drove him from Rome during the 1848 Revolution.

    After his return, behind a French army, Pius gave up on his liberalizing program, and developed a strong suspicion of republics and democracy.

    The revolutions of 1848 were largely supported from afar by Americans - and this attitude was strengthened by the thousands of people arriving in the U.S. who had fled after they were suppressed. . .

    At the time, Vatican documents also often spoke out against such treasured American ideals as freedom of speech, freedom of worship, self-government, while extolling the virtues of monarchy and the aristocracy; more fuel for the fire of anti-Catholic sentiment. . .

    Then came the U.S. Civil War.

    Pius had reasons not to favor the United States. In 1837, Ralph Waldo Emerson had labeled the first skirmish of the American Revolution the “shot heard round the world,” and in 1848, Pius had heard the echo of this shot, and not liked the sound.

    Pius had also lost most of his temporal holdings in 1860, when after the 1859 Austro-Sardinian War, the Sardinian monarchy had annexed the central Italian states, including all the Papal States. . .

    One of the first nations to recognize this newly proclaimed “Kingdom of Italy,” was the United States. Add to this the fact Abraham Lincoln offered Italian revolutionary Giuseppe Garibaldi the rank of Major General in the Union Army, although he refused unless Lincoln offered to make him commander-in-chief of all his armies.

    In 1863, Confederate leader Jefferson Davis sent Pius a letter thanking him for offers of prayers for peace he had given to the Catholic population in New Orleans. When the pope wrote back, addressing his missive to “Illustrious and Hon. Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States of America, Richmond,” it caused outrage in the United States, especially since the contents of the letter implied the Confederacy was more interested in peace than the Union.

    Vatican diplomats assured Washington the address was not an act of recognition of the rebel government, just an act of courtesy; but the damage had been done.

    Pius also sent Davis a signed photo of himself after the war when the former Confederate ruler was imprisoned. . .

    Yet the most damaging event for the relations between the two sides was the assassination of Abraham Lincoln, and the discovery a large number of the plotters were Catholics. . .

    The conspirators met in Surratt’s home, although John pulled out of the plot when it was changed from kidnapping to murder.

    It was his escape from justice which involved the Vatican. . .

    The younger Surratt escaped to Canada, where he was hidden by a priest. Smuggled out of the country to England, Surratt was then given shelter in a Catholic Church in Liverpool.

    And then he went to Rome and joined the pope’s army. . .

    When Pius was informed a suspected conspirator in the assassination of Lincoln was in his army, he was horrified and ordered his arrest.

    But Surratt escaped, and was helped out of Italy by Garibaldi’s army, which was surrounding Rome.

    The Italian nationalist thought helping Surratt would further poison the relationship between Pius and the United States, and he was right.

    The United States Congress - angered over the letter to Davis and Surratt’s service in the pope’s army - passed a law in 1867 banning any future funding for United States diplomatic missions to the Vatican, a law which was on the books until the 1980s. . .

    Pius died in 1878, having been a “prisoner of the Vatican” since 1870, when the Kingdom of Italy finally conquered Rome.

    The New York Times, in its obituary, said his pontificate removed “the last vestige of popular or democratic government…from the Catholic Church.” . . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

    As to the dominance of the right-wing Roman Catholic majority on the Supreme Court, the federal courts at the district and appellate levels until recently have been making the right constitutional decisions, many of which were then overturned at the ultimate Supreme Court level. There is now justifiable fear that the Supreme Court will legitimize the unitary executive theory. Meanwhile, the Trump administration continues to rack up a record of unbridled lawlessness.

    The corrosive effect of this undemocratic theory of a unitary executive is alarmingly evident in the brazen claims made by Trump, and the acquiescence of the Republican Senate:

    'Article 2' Trends After Trump Falsely Claims It Grants Him Unlimited Powers As President: I Can 'Do Whatever I Want'

    Article 2" began trending on Twitter on Tuesday afternoon after President Donald Trump falsely claimed the Constitution clause grants him the power to "do whatever" he wants as president.

    During his address at a Turning Point USA conference in Washington, D.C. earlier today, Trump declared to a crowd of young conservatives: "Then I have an Article 2, where I have the right to do whatever I want as president."

    The inaccurate statement came after he attacked former special counsel Robert Mueller's investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election. It was not the first time the president has made the claim. In June, Trump told ABC News: "Article 2 allows me to do whatever I want. Article 2 would have allowed me to fire [Mueller]."

    Although the loosely-defined "Article 2" is interpreted by some as granting the chief executive broad authority, the section also provides for a president's removal from office via "impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors." The latter offers an explicit check on the president's authority and actions, which negates Trump's claims that he has the "right to do whatever" while in office. . .

    Donald Trump was not lying (this time). He CAN do whatever he wants

    Opinion: On paper, and according to the Constitution, Trump is dead wrong. But in the real world, with this Congress ...

    President Donald Trump was incorrect last week when he said he can do whatever he wants as president, but he was not lying.

    The legal experts and constitutional scholars and critics filled social media and the TV networks after Trump told a room filled with teenagers and young adults at the Turning Point USA Teen Student Action Summit in Washington, D.C., that the Constitution gives him “the right to do whatever I want as president.”

    On paper, and according to the Constitution, Trump is dead wrong. Article II of the Constitution grants the president “executive powers,” but it also describes the authority of Congress to remove the president from office "via impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors."

    So, from a strictly legal, constitutional point of view, Trump was shamefully inaccurate when he told the young people, "Then, I have an Article II, where I have to the right to do whatever I want as president.”

    But he was not lying.

    Congress may have the power to remove the president but Trump knows that no matter what he does, this particular Congress – the Senate, anyway – will not hold him to account.

    No matter what.

    Donald Trump's claim of absolute power is absolutely unconstitutional, and his matching actions are abundantly lawless.

    LAWLESS TRUMP

    Because of the enabling actions of the Republican Party and the Supreme Court, the extinction of democracy which was unimaginable except by the light of Bible prophecy now looms over the American nation. The following was published as early as October 23, 2016:

    Trump’s Shock Troops and Mainstream Enablers

    Does the corrosion of American democracy mimic the Weimar conditions that launched Hitler to power?

    There is a Weimar quality to Donald Trump’s presidential campaign that is corroding the fabric of American democracy. He, of course, did not create this corroding element, but merely exploited and accelerated it.

    Donald Trump, a first-class opportunist (plus hypocrite, master cynic and narcissist extraordinaire) — simply considers himself too smart to pass up such a mega-marketing opportunity for himself.

    A latter-day Weimar?

    The real Weimar Germany was a place of misery and fatalism. That is, in all likelihood, the only reason someone like Hitler was eventually able to find a path to power. In the United States today, there are pockets of misery and fatalism — but nowhere near the same degree as in Germany’s Weimar.

    In a political sense, that is false comfort: The United States doesn’t actually have to be Weimar Germany — if enough people merely believe it to be.

    Trump has a loud and fanatical base of support that is far from a majority, but it is sufficiently sizeable to cause substantial social chaos. . .

    Beginning softly

    Hitler did not gain power by pledging to enact the mass extermination of “undesirables” like the Jews, gays, Seventh Day Adventists, Socialists, et al.

    No, Hitler simply promised to “make Germany great again” by providing “Bread and Work” and repudiating its humiliations at the hands of foreign powers. The parallels to Trump here are breathtaking.

    Those parallels include that the German “establishment” did not take Hitler seriously as a threat – until it was too late. Hitler was both a charmer and a bad boy with enormous prurient appeal. The parallel is, once again, breathtaking. . .

    Supreme Court to the rescue? Not likely

    One must at least hope that, at that pivotal moment, the U.S. constitutional safeguards would assert themselves.

    However, the Roberts Supreme Court – supposedly dedicated to judicial restraint — has a troubling record of interpreting law liberally in order to achieve the reactionary outcomes his former majority desired. . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

    It is startling to see Seventh-day Adventists included in the list of "undesirables." A search of author Stephan Richter's biography reveals no Seventh-day Adventist affiliation. Nevertheless, he is absolutely correct that a Seventh-day Adventist remnant is going to be targeted. Richter is apparently aware of SDA eschatology.

    Donald Trump so far has been getting away with extraordinary presidential acts of lawlessness:

    Trump's lawless thuggery is corrupting justice in America

    Intimidating whistleblowers, politicizing law enforcement, protecting rogue military officers and criminal sheriffs – the pattern is depressingly clear

    As the Senate moves to an impeachment trial and America slouches into this election year, the rule of law is center stage.

    Yet Donald Trump is substituting lawless thuggery for impartial justice.

    The biggest immediate news is the president’s killing of Qassem Suleimani. The act brings America to the brink of an illegal war with Iran without any congressional approval, in direct violation of Congress’s war-making authority under the Constitution.

    But other presidents have disregarded Congress’s war-making power, too. What makes Trump unique is the overall pattern. Almost wherever you look, he has shown utter disdain for law. Consider Trump’s outing of the person who blew the whistle on his phone call to the Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelenskiy – tweeting just after Christmas a link to a Washington Examiner article headlined with the presumed whistleblower’s name, then retweeting a supporter who named the presumed whistleblower.

    Even before outing the whistleblower, Trump had whipped his followers into a lather by calling the whistleblower a “spy”, guilty of “treason”.

    The outing not only imperils the whistleblower’s safety. It violates the purpose of the Whistleblower Act, which is to protect people who alert authorities that government officials are violating the law.

    It’s on this deeper level that Trump’s lawlessness is most corrosive. From now on, anyone aware of illegality on the part of a government official, including a president, will think twice before sounding the alarm. . .

    Similarly, Trump’s ongoing intrusions into the justice department (DoJ) and the FBI aren’t just efforts to derail investigations of his wrongdoing. They’re attacks on the system of impartial justice itself.

    Trump’s attorney general, William Barr, is supposed to be responsible to the American people. Instead he’s become Trump’s advocate. Barr even advised the White House not to turn over the whistleblower complaint to Congress.

    After misleading the public on the contents of Robert Mueller’s report, Barr bowed to Trump’s demand that the department look into the origin of the FBI investigation that had led to the Mueller report.

    And now, after the DoJ’s own inspector general has found that the FBI had plenty of evidence to start its Russia inquiry – more than 100 contacts between members of the Trump campaign and Russian agents during the 2016 campaign – Barr refuses to be bound by the findings, and has appointed a prosecutor to launch yet another inquiry into the origins of the Russia investigation.

    The deeper systemic corrosion: from now on, attorneys general won’t be presumed to be administering impartial justice, and the findings of special counsels and inspectors general will have less finality and legitimacy.

    Barr is part of Trump’s private goon squad, along with Rudy Giuliani, chief enabler Mick Mulvaney and Trump’s resident white supremacist, Stephen Miller.

    Giuliani is using the authority of the presidency to mount a rogue foreign policy designed to keep Trump in power. It’s double lawlessness: Giuliani is bending the law and he’s accountable to no one. . .

    You see the pattern: whistleblowers intimidated, the justice department politicized, findings of special counsels and inspectors general distorted or ignored, foreign policy made by a private citizen unaccountable to anybody, rogue military officers and rogue sheriffs pardoned.

    Each instance is disturbing on its own. Viewed as a whole, Trump’s lawlessness is systematically corrupting justice in the US. (Underscored emphasis added.)

    Trump's latest crime spree: With pandemic as cover, he's going for epic corruption

    Trump knows he's in trouble, and wants to fire everybody who might stop him looting the place before November

    Donald Trump is on a search-and-destroy mission to remove anyone who might get in the way of him committing more crimes or using the federal government as a personal piggybank for himself and his friends. And he's using the coronavirus pandemic as a cover, knowing that both the media and Congress are too busy dealing with the crisis to prioritize Trump's obsession with maximizing his level of criminality and corruption.

    Last week, with the media preoccupied with rising death tolls and exploding unemployment figures, Trump fired Michael Atkinson, the inspector general for intelligence services, as a clear cut act of revenge against Atkinson for reporting the original Ukraine whistleblower complaint to Congress last summer. That complaint, of course, exposed Trump's criminal conspiracy to blackmail Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky into a phony investigation of former Vice President Joe Biden, who is now certain to be Trump's Democratic opponent in the 2020 election. (Bernie Sanders officially suspended his campaign on Wednesday.) The result was Trump's impeachment by the House of Representatives, which should have led to his removal from office — if Senate Republicans weren't willing to sign off on any crime he wishes to commit.

    Trump described Atkinson as "not a big Trump fan, I can tell you," as if that justified firing an inspector general who fulfilled his legal responsibility to report a president's potentially criminal actions to Congress.

    On Tuesday, Trump removed another inspector general, Glenn Fine, who oversees the Defense Department. Fine was originally set to chair the committee that oversees how the $2 trillion in coronavirus relief funds will be disbursed. Trump would like to replace him with Jason Abend, a Customs and Border Protection official. This move, coupled with reports that Trump is appointing Brian Miller, one of his personal lawyers — who has publicly sneered at the idea that Congress should have the power to hold the executive branch accountable— as the special inspector general overseeing stimulus spending should make the president's intentions clear. . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

    Banana Republic or Legalistic Lawlessness?

    There was never any mystery about Donald Trump’s ignorance of the Constitution or his disdain for the rule of law. He has made it clear again and again that he views the presidency—when he holds it, that is—as nothing less than an autocracy, where he has the “absolute right” to do anything that strikes his fancy.

    As far back as June 2016, I wrote a column here on Verdict warning that Trump’s candidacy foretold “the Beginning of the End of Constitutional Democracy in the U.S.” I soon followed that up with a column arguing that even a Trump loss in that election (which at that time seemed all but certain) would not end the constitutional threat, because Republicans—even those who had not yet bent the knee to Trump—hated the Democrats so much that they were willing to do anything to hold power.

    We would do well to recall, moreover, that all of this was before Republicans rolled over on the Access Hollywood tape, Trump’s threat not to accept losing the 2016 election, Charlottesville, the Muslim ban, the Kavanaugh nomination, the fake state of emergency to divert funds to build a border wall, and the ten crimes that Robert Mueller laid out in his report (which was anything but an exoneration).

    Oh, and of course, it was long before Republicans decided that coercing an ally to make up politically useful falsehoods about Joe Biden—and then completely obstructing Congress’s investigation—was just fine, and that hearing witnesses in an impeachment trial was too much of a bother. (Underscored emphasis added.)

    “Lawlessness Normalized”: What Acquitting Donald Trump Means

    Watching the Republican-led U.S. Senate cave to our lawless president, Donald Trump, and assure him acquittal in his impeachment trial, was worse than watching a slow-moving train wreck. It was like watching a slow-moving suicide.

    The suicide of the rule of law — a sine qua non of our American experiment.

    After weeks of fact-finding by the House impeachment inquiry, and after days of opening arguments and Senators’ questioning in the Senate trial — all focused on Trump’s extortionate “favor” put to a foreign power (Ukraine): the quid pro quo of dirt on a re-election rival for badly-needed military aid — the question became: Would the Senate defy Trump and vote to call for witnesses and documents — both of which Trump debarred in the House inquiry — in order to conduct a proper trial?

    Additionally, Trump’s former national security advisor John Bolton was waving his arms wildly, declaring his readiness to testify about Trump’s “pressure campaign” on Ukraine — a first-hand witness who could satisfy the Republicans’ dismissal of the Democrats’ case as all based on hearsay. (Bolton’s forthcoming book is titled “The Room Where It Happened.”) That Bolton refused to testify earlier in the House, even threatening to sue, the Democrats could let pass, if he testified in the Senate.

    But no, the Republicans could not allow it. With the exception of two profiles in courage — Maine’s Susan Collins and Utah’s Mitt Romney — the Senate voted against ensuring a proper trial, falling in party line: 51 to 49. “World’s greatest deliberative body”? Not.

    This is far more than lamentation about partisan loss; this is foreboding. Foreboding about institutional collapse, for one. With the Senate caving to our lawless president, how can the Senate cite Trump’s forthcoming lawlessness (and it will come), when it just surrendered, without much of a defense, its principal check — the impeachment option? What happens now to Senate oversight, or to its investigative function, or even to its legitimacy as a branch co-equal to the executive?

    But what really is foreboding is this: Our lawless president, once “acquitted” (the scare-quotes indicate faux acquittal), can and will operate without any guardrails at all — legal, institutional, moral. We are now at the mercy of Trump’s gut, his whims, his spite and his furies. We truly are in uncharted waters, without map or compass. . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

    THE SPIRITUAL DIMENSION

    In looking back at the 2016 presidential campaign, it is almost impossible to find statements and actions of the Roman Catholic bishops in support of candidate Trump. This is a departure from their activities during the 2000 and 2004 campaigns in open support of George W. Bush. However, there are Roman Catholics who perceived that priests did indeed advocate voting for Trump:

    Some Catholics say politics were prevalent in parishes ahead of election

    The numbers are in and a majority of Catholic voters backed the winner of Tuesday’s election, Donald J. Trump. Helping drive up those numbers, some Catholics say, were clergy and parish leaders who spent the weeks running up to the election offering support for the Republican nominee.

    Perhaps the most high-profile case came in mid-October from St. Kevin’s Church in Warwick, R.I., where local media reported that the Rev. Robert L. Marciano gave a homily in which he said Hillary Clinton and Democratic leaders “hate Catholics.” . . .

    While Father Marciano’s words may have been especially heated, he wasn’t alone when it came to introducing politics at the pulpit in the weeks leading up to the presidential election.

    Don Powell, a Catholic in the Diocese of Orange, Calif., told America that he heard homilies on the two Sundays before the election that sounded to him like endorsements for Mr. Trump.

    “The priest told us that the abortion issue superseded other issues like immigrants’ rights” and that Catholics “should never vote for a pro-choice candidate,” Mr. Powell wrote in an email. . .

    Mr. Powell’s experience isn’t unique.

    A Catholic in the Archdiocese of Detroit, Stephen McKenney, said that a deacon at his church preached last Sunday that Catholics voting in the election should be concerned with only five issues, all related to life and marriage.

    The deacon, Mr. McKenney recalled, said that just one candidate aligns with the church on those issues and that many of his priest friends were “voting for him”—a clear reference to Mr. Trump. . .

    Elsewhere, letters and voting guides were published in church bulletins ahead of Tuesday’s vote.

    For example, a letter written by Bishop William Murphy of Rockville Centre, which comprises Long Island, was published in bulletins and read at Mass.

    Some believe that Bishop Murphy implied in the letter that Catholics could not vote for Mrs. Clinton or her running mate, Tim Kaine, a practicing Catholic who supports abortion rights but personally accepts church teaching on abortion. . .

    In the end, some of the pro-Trump politicking may have worked. Mr. Trump did well Tuesday with Catholics overall, winning the backing of 52 percent of Catholic voters, a group President Barack Obama won in 2008 and 2012. Among white voters, support was even greater for the president-elect. Six in 10 white Catholics supported him, while just 26 percent of Hispanic Catholics voted for him.

    Now that the election is over, some bishops, like such as Archbishop Joseph Kurtz, president of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, are calling for unity. (Underscored emphasis added.)

    The Bishops apparently did not openly support Trump, and probably had reservations about him because of the immigration issue and his open clash with Pope Francis. However, the anti-abortion movement created and fostered by the Bishops clearly paved the way for Trump's election victory in 2016 and the hierarchy is now paving the way for his re-election. This is all in furtherance of overturning the existing settled law on abortion, in itself a lawless objective, to impose the Roman Catholic dogma of the immortality of the soul on the nation. Note the following statement of Leo XIII in his encyclical Libertas:

    Libertas

    4. As the Catholic Church declares in the strongest terms the simplicity, spirituality, and immortality of the soul, so with unequalled constancy and publicity she ever also asserts its freedom. These truths she has always taught, and has sustained them as a dogma of faith, and whensoever heretics or innovators have attacked the liberty of man, the Church has defended it and protected this noble possession from destruction. History bears witness to the energy with which she met the fury of the Manichaeans and others like them; and the earnestness with which in later years she defended human liberty at the Council of Trent, and against the followers of Jansenius, is known to all. At no time, and in no place, has she held truce with fatalism. (Original italics; underscored emphasis added.)

    The reader will note the doublespeak about "freedom" of the soul, "the liberty of man," and "human liberty at the Council of Trent." Liberty of conscience for the individual??

    From the perspective of Bible prophecy Donald Trump's lawlessness is not simply that of a wicked man. He is the product of a spiritual combination foretold by the Apostle Paul in II Thessalonians 2:1-10:

    Concerning the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ and our being gathered to him, we ask you, brothers, not to become easily unsettled or alarmed by some prophecy, report or letter supposed to have come from us, saying that the day of the Lord has already come. Don’t let anyone deceive you in any way, for that day will not come until the rebellion occurs and the man of lawlessness is revealed, the man doomed to destruction. He will oppose and will exalt himself over everything that is called God or is worshipped, so that he sets himself up in God’s temple, proclaiming himself to be God. Don’t you remember that when I was with you I used to tell you these things? And now you know what is holding him back, so that he may be revealed at the proper time. For the secret power of lawlessness is already at work; but the one who now holds it back will continue to do so till he is taken out of the way. And then the lawless one will be revealed, whom the Lord Jesus will overthrow with the breath of his mouth and destroy by the splendor of his coming. The coming of the lawless one will be in accordance with the work of Satan displayed in all kinds of counterfeit miracles, signs and wonders, and in every sort of evil that deceives those who are perishing. They perish because they refused to love the truth and so be saved. For this reason God sends them a powerful delusion so that they will believe the lie and so that all will be condemned who have not believed the truth but have delighted in wickedness.(NIV; underscored italics added.)

    Trump could not have won the presidency but by the combination of the papal Beast, "the lawless one," and those in the Protestant world deluded by their departure from the Truth into forming the image of the Beast. All are under the control of the one who "abode not in the truth" (John 8:44,) for Rev. 13:2 reveals that it is Satan (Rev. 12:9) who gives the Beast "his power, and his seat, and great authority."

    Clearly empowered by the Beast and the False Prophet politically, in the spiritual realm his lawlessness also identifies him with the Beast.

    As of June 1, 2020, Donald Trump's use of raw, unconstitutional, military power against righteous public protests over the murder of George Floyd has caused alarm to military and political leaders alike about his assault on the nation's democracy.

    PART IV: FACILITATING ABSOLUTE POWER AND CORRUPTION OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE

    OPUS DEI AND POPE FRANCIS EXPOSED
    LEONARD LEO AND THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY
    WILLIAM BARR
    MITCH MCCONNELL

    The agencies of the Roman Catholic hierarchy that are pitted against the Constitution of the United States, written to guarantee the separation of church and state, freedom of conscience, and individual liberty, are far too many to be mentioned in this paper. Standing out among individuals and organizations now working feverishly to consolidate absolute power over the nation and the corruption of the constitutional administration of justice are the following:-

    OPUS DEI AND POPE FRANCIS EXPOSED

    Critically important information has been published that among the Roman Catholic secret societies Opus Dei is in the ascendancy at the Vatican under Pope Francis. Also, according to the report Opus dei "at the top is a secret society of international bankers, financiers, businessmen and their supporters." This would explain much about the wide influence exercised by the society over the body politic. The following report is exceedingly important. Lengthy passages are therefore quoted:

    Opus Dei Influence Rises to the Top in the Vatican

    Opus Dei, an official institution of the Catholic Church, at the top is a secret society of international bankers, financiers, businessmen and their supporters. Their goal is the same as other plutocrats – unbridled power – except they use the influence of the Catholic Church and its worldwide network of institutions exempt from both taxes and financial reporting requirements to advance rightwing parties and governments.

    A year after Cardinal Jorge Mario Bergoglio’s elevation as head of the Church and his many appointments, the dust has settled. Three cardinals have emerged as the most powerful in this papacy; all have close ties to Opus Dei. Two now control all Vatican finance.

    Still the most exhaustively researched book written about “The Work” as it is referred to by its members, Their Kingdom Come (1997, 2006) by Robert Hutchison, a Canadian financial journalist, traces the growth of Opus Dei financial power “by all available means” – deception, dirty tricks, even “physical muscle” like poisonings which mimic heart attacks. “What gives Opus Dei its importance is the influence it wields and also that it deploys its immense financial resourcesOpus Dei knows very well that money rules the world,” Javier Sainz Moreno, professor of Law at Madrid University, told Hutchison. One of their goals was to control the Vatican’s wealth, now closer than ever to being realized.

    Like many religious cults, the members at the bottom are sincere believers that Opus Dei is the path for personal holiness. Many are “numeraries,” men and women vowed to celibacy who live in communal residences and hand over their earnings to the organization. This creates workers totally dedicated to their assigned tasks, assures a steady stream of revenue and makes it difficult for members to leave. “Supernumeraries” are married and live independently but are still required to make large contributions and send their children to Opus Dei schools if available. At all levels, the names of the lay members are secret unless self-disclosed. Opus Dei also has an order of publicly identified priests and prelates.

    Opus Dei’s only “charity” is founding schools, mostly business schools and student centers at the world’s leading universities to train and recruit a continuous supply of professionals dedicated to Opus Dei/Catholic goals. Opus Dei is “significantly connected to 479 universities and high schools,” according to journalist Michael Walsh based on a confidential report submitted to the Vatican in 1979. . .

    Probably Opus Dei’s largest financial institution is Banco Santander S.A., “the largest bank in the Eurozone by market value and one of the largest banks in the world in terms of market capitalization.” Santander funds Opus Dei schools. “Santander’s interest in higher education is a deep interest, long term, because we understand that at the university are studying the leaders who will run the country in the future,” explained a company official.

    “Opus Dei pursues the Vatican’s agenda through the presence of its members in secular governments and institutions and through a vast array of academic, medical, and grassroots pursuits. Its constant effort to increase its presence in civil institutions of power is supported by growth in the organization as a whole….Their work in the public sphere breaches the church-state division that is fundamental to modern democracy,” wrote Gordon Urquhart author of The Pope’s Armada: Unlocking the Secrets of Mysterious and Powerful New Sects in the Church (1995).

    “It’s widely known that Supreme Court Justices Antonin Scalia, Samuel Alito, and Clarence Thomas belong to Opus Dei – and that Chief Justice John Roberts may also be a member,” stated Matthew Fox, a former priest, progressive theologian and author of more than 23 books.

    “They’re in the CIA, the FBI,” said Fox. “Daniel Ellsberg recently told me that some of the ranking commanders of our military are also Opus Dei,” Fox stated in another interview. Veteran investigative reporter Seymour Hersh made a similar observation. “Hersh stated that Gen. Stanley McChrystal, Vice Admiral William McRaven and others in the Joint Special Operations Command (the group responsible for the assassination of Osama Bin Laden) were members of the Knights of Malta and Opus Dei. ‘They see themselves as protecting [Christians] from the Muslims….And this is their function.’ Hersh added that members of these societies have developed a secret set of insignias that represent ‘the whole notion that this is a culture war between religions.’” . . .

    Robert P. George, a Princeton University professor closely associated with Opus Dei, changed the landscape of U.S. politics. Neocon politico Deal Hudson stated that “If there really is a vast, right-wing conspiracy, its leaders probably meet in George’s basement.” Referred to by the New York Times as “the country’s most influential conservative Christian thinker,” it was George’s study conducted in the late 1990s showing that allegiance to the Republican Party depended not so much on religious affiliation as the frequency of church attendance which Karl Rove used to direct support for George W. Bush into pulpits, church bulletins, parking lot pamphlets and mailing lists taken from parish rosters. . .

    After a year of concentrated activity to make sure his assets are better managed and under his control, including the creation of four commissions, the hiring of six international consulting firms which service the plutocracy together with appointments of trusted allies, Pope Francis established the Secretariat of the Economy this past Feb. 24.

    He appointed Australian Cardinal George Pell as its head reporting directly to him. With “authority over all economic and administrative activities within the Holy See and the Vatican City State,” this makes Pell de facto manager of the entire Roman Curia since he holds the purse strings.

    After becoming an archbishop, Pell invited Opus Dei to establish themselves in Melbourne and then Sydney. Under Pell’s patronage, “Opus Dei’s star is on the rise, it is said, and that of others – including other more established groups within the Church – is sinking,” Sydney Morning Herald’s religious affairs columnist wrote in January 2002. This reporter saw “signs of a new elitism….a clerical culture is being encouraged in which there is a highly select ‘in’ crowd around Pell.”

    Pell has maintained a close relationship with Australia’s conservative PM, Tony Abbott, and his party for decades. Days before Pope Bergoglio appointed Pell on April 13, 2013, to his “G8” group of cardinals who would advise the pope on “governing the Church,” Pell attended a “Gala Dinner” celebrating the Melbourne-based Institute of Public Affairs (IPA) an “ultraconservative think tank.” Rupert Murdoch was guest of honor and Abbott the keynote speaker. (Murdoch was awarded a papal knighthood by Pope John Paul II for “promoting the interests of society, the Church and the Holy See.”) . . .

    Along with the Secretariat of the Economy, the pope also created a new Council for the Economy which “will consider policies and practices and to prepare and analyze reports on the economic-administrative activities of the Holy See.” This council is comprised of eight prelates and seven laymen “reflecting various parts of the world.” As we have seen a year after the pope named his G8 “from the five continents of the world” only those close to Opus Dei have advanced in power; the rest have hardly been heard from since. Tokenism is becoming evident in all of Bergoglio’s group appointments. By all accounts, all power rests firmly in the pope and those close to him.

    The Council for the Economy will be coordinated by Cardinal Reinhard Marx, another member of Bergoglio’s G8. Marx was the invited speaker for 300 guests of Opus Dei at a meeting held in the Deutsche Bank, Germany’s central bank. He has presided at Masses celebrating Opus Dei’s founder, Josemaria Escrivá, and visits the Opus Dei center for university students in Munich.

    The Work is said to be very powerful in Germany’s financial capital of Frankfurt. Der Speigel observed that “There is hardly a German bishop who does not regard the organization with favor.” . . .

    Pope Bergoglio has verbally attacked the global economic system as based on a “god called money,” and has urged international financiers to break down “the barriers of individualism and the slavery of profit at all cost.” Yet again and again, Bergoglio has appointed those who labor for the plutocracy to manage his own wealth. Widely reported as “cleaning up” Vatican finances, the pope has never appointed any forensic accountants or other specialists from any law enforcement or government regulatory agency whose expertise is curbing unethical/illegal finance to advise him about the notoriously dishonest Vatican finances. The seven laymen on the Council for the Economy reflect this. . .

    Kudos to former Fox News correspondent and member of Opus Dei, Gregory Burke, Vatican senior communications adviser for brilliantly manipulating the news. Burke said during an interview with the Washington Post, “I would love to bring some Roger Ailes into this job,” but Burke has been doing just fine. What was the most prominent headline about the Church in the past two weeks after Obama meeting the pope and the formation of a sex abuse commission? “Pope Francis Removes German ‘Bishop of Bling.’” (Underscored emphasis added.)

    It always stretched credulity to believe that the current Roman Pontiff is a liberal opposed to, or even divorced from, the right-wing Bishops in America who are in alliance with the Evangelicals in the theocratic grab for power. The above report gives the lie to the image of a kind and compassionate Pope, deeply committed to the relief of poverty and suffering. If he harbors Opus Dei at the highest levels of the Vatican government, he must also support the work of the society in America. It is inconceivable that he spurns the power wielded by Opus Dei in the United States: 

    Opus Dei’s Influence Is Felt in All of Washington’s Corridors of Power

    The Opus Dei Catholic Information Center’s “members and leaders continue to have an outsize impact on policy and politics. It is the conservative spiritual and intellectual center … and its influence is felt in all of Washington’s corridors of power,” stated the Washington Post. . .

    Opus Dei’s influence is enormous in the U.S. judiciary.

    “The center’s board includes Leonard Leo, executive vice president of the Federalist Society, which helped shepherd the Supreme Court nominations of Brett M. Kavanaugh and Neil M. Gorsuch. White House counsel Pat Cipollone is a former board member, as is William P. Barr, who served as attorney general under President George H.W. Bush and is now President Trump’s nominee for the same position.” Barr, a “committed Catholic,” was highly recommended by Leonard Leo.

    The U.S. judiciary has been shaped not only through Leo’s control over Trump’s judicial appointments but also by the Judicial Crisis Network (JCN) directed by Leo and run by Carrie Severino, a former law clerk for supreme court justice Clarence Thomas.

    The JCN is a 501(c)(4) organization, meaning its donors are secret. “It has spent millions across the country to influence the elections of judges and attorneys general as well as judicial appointment and confirmation processes.”

    “Leo’s efforts to ensure that Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito were confirmed engaged the dark money spending power of JCN. In 2005 and 2006, Leo and the Federalist Society worked with JCN to coordinate radio and online ads as well as on grassroots efforts to support the confirmation of the right-wing justices.

    To block the appointment of Barack Obama’s choice, Merrick Garland, and support the confirmation of Justice Gorsuch, Leo helped coordinate the JCN’s expenditure of $17 million. The campaign was highly effective in allowing Gorsuch, the Federalist Society’s pick, to take the place many thought rightly belonged to Merrick Garland.” . . .

    “Opus Dei pursues the Vatican’s agenda through the presence of its members in secular governments and institutions and through a vast array of academic, medical, and grassroots pursuits. Its constant effort [is] to increase its presence in civil institutions of power. [T]heir work in the public sphere breaches the church-state division that is fundamental to modern democracy,” noted Gordon Urquhart, author of The Pope’s Armada: Unlocking the Secrets of Mysterious and Powerful New Sects in the Church (1995).

    Opus Dei uses the Catholic Church for its own ends which are money and power …. Its members form a transnational elite. They seek to colonize the summits of power. They work with stealth – ‘holy discretion’ – and practice ‘divine deception,’” Robert Hutchison wrote in the introduction to his book, Their Kingdom Come: Inside the Secret World of Opus Dei. . .

    Vatican Connection

    That Newt Gingrich is close to Opus Dei helps explain Trump’s appointment of Callista Gingrich as U.S. Ambassador to the Vatican. (Newt’s three marriages would have raised eyebrows in the Vatican diplomatic corps even though the first two were annulled when he became Catholic and married Callista.)

    Newt was an early and constant supporter of Trump. He provides Pope Francis with direct access to Trump. For Trump, he has trusted emissary in a diplomatic corps described as a “prime listening post” in global affairs.

    Trump attended Callista’s swearing in ceremony in October 2017. . .

    The necessity for “economic” officers is less obvious. The pope is also head of a global network that can act as a conduit for “dark money” thanks to “religious” exemptions granting the Church monetary secrecy in the world’s financial centers. That is a magnate for Opus Dei to maintain power inside the Catholic Church.

    Pope Francis has made sure that the Vatican retains its expertise and capacity in this regard. He has hired and appointed vulture capitalists and Opus Dei members and associates to manage his assets. And now he has an American ambassador and embassy staff as allies.

    Again Pope Francis' connection to Opus Dei is readily apparent. He has successfully hidden behind "plausible deniability, and the Roman Catholic propaganda machine has shielded him by promoting a genial and kind portrait of the man. However, as Pope he is very much "the man of sin" and "the lawless one." The Word of God does not lie!

    The UK website churchandstate.org.uk/ is a goldmine of information for Seventh-day Adventists who are carefully watching prophetic religious liberty developments. Note this report: Trump praises Catholic archbishop who urges him to fight ‘deep state’ protests (Cf. ‘Bling Bishop’ a classic case of Vatican’s ‘Ironic Employment Division’.)

    LEONARD LEO AND THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY

    Leonard Leo

    The Secrets of Leonard Leo, the Man Behind Trump’s Supreme Court Pick

    A Catholic fundamentalist who controls a network of right-wing groups funded by dark money has put three justices on the court. He’s about to get a fourth.

    When President Donald Trump nominates a justice to the Supreme Court on Monday night, he will be carrying out the agenda of a small, secretive network of extremely conservative Catholic activists already responsible for placing three justices (Alito, Roberts, and Gorsuch) on the high court.

    And yet few people know who they are—until now.

    At the center of the network is Leonard Leo of the Federalist Society, the association of legal professionals that has been the pipeline for nearly all of Trump’s judicial nominees. (Leo is on leave from the Federalist Society to personally assist Trump in picking a replacement for Justice Anthony Kennedy.) His formal title is executive vice president, but that role belies Leo’s influence.

    Directly or through surrogates, he has placed dozens of life-tenure judges on the federal bench; effectively controls the Judicial Crisis Network, which led the opposition to President Obama’s high court nominee, Judge Merrick Garland; he heavily influences the Becket Fund law firm that represented Hobby Lobby in its successful challenge of contraception; and now supervises admissions and hires at the George Mason Law School, newly renamed in memory of Justice Antonin Scalia.

    “Leonard Leo was a visionary,” said Tom Carter, who served as Leo’s media relations director when he was chairman of the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), in an exclusive interview with The Daily Beast. “He figured out twenty years ago that conservatives had lost the culture war. Abortion, gay rights, contraception—conservatives didn’t have a chance if public opinion prevailed. So they needed to stack the courts.”

    Amazingly, said Carter, Leo has succeeded in this mission with few people taking notice.

    “The Christian right has been written about a lot, but hardly anyone talks about the Catholic right,” Carter said. “Four Supreme Court justices—they’re more successful than anybody: the NRA, the Israel lobby, Big Pharma, no one else has had that kind of impact.”

    Catholic Fundamentalist

    Leo is a member of the secretive, extremely conservative Knights of Malta, a Catholic order founded in the 12th century that functions as a quasi-independent sovereign nation with its own diplomatic corps (separate from the Vatican), United Nations status, and a tremendous amount of money and land. . .

    The reader will recall the prominent personalities in the Reagan cabinet who were members of the Knights of Malta, and the indisputable fact that Chief Justice John Roberts is also a member. Catholic fundamentalism is at work in making the Supreme Court the instrument of religious ideology.

    Leonard Leo

    Executive vice president, Federalist Society

    Trump’s court architect

    If all goes according to plan, Leonard Leo will be able to take credit for something no president has accomplished for decades: installing four Supreme Court justices. Both of President Donald Trump’s nominees come directly from a list Leo compiled. They join John Roberts and Samuel Alito, also shepherded by Leo, and dozens of lower court federal judges across the country.

    As executive vice president of the Federalist Society, Leo has been the quiet architect of a pivotal shift to the right throughout the federal judiciary. . . Today, under Leo’s leadership, the group’s roughly 70,000 members represent a vast web of conservative legal power.

    Leo first met Trump in March 2016 at the law offices of the firm Jones Day, near the Capitol. Fellow Federalist Don McGahn, then a partner at the firm and now White House counsel, had invited Leo to help hone the candidate’s message on federal judges. Trump, with his extramarital dalliances, Big Mac appetite and apparent lack of religious faith, couldn’t have stood in starker contrast to Leo, a devout Roman Catholic who attends daily Mass, has met three popes, and lives with his large family and wife of nearly 30 years in a brick home in the suburbs of Washington. He and his Federalists are sophisticated legal thinkers who embrace a deeply conservative philosophy, unlike the temperamental commander in chief. Yet the two men hit it off that March day, and Leo came away convinced Trump was serious about remaking the federal courts.

    “Did I vote for him? Hell, yes,” Leo said in an interview. “When he makes a promise on policy issues, he keeps it. So, in that respect, it’s not hard for me. In terms of his own personal life, it’s not my place to judge.”

    Out of that meeting came the idea for “the list,” the now-famous inventory of potential high-court candidates that reassured evangelical voters—and some establishment conservatives—at a crucial moment in Trump’s campaign. As the lawyerly Leo puts it, “The president helped himself win the election” when he said he would use the list Leo compiled.

    "The No Religious Test Clause of the United States Constitution is a clause within Article VI, Clause 3. By its plain terms, no federal officeholder or employee can be required to adhere to or accept any particular religion or doctrine as a prerequisite to holding a federal office or a federal government job,") (No Religious Test Clause - Wikipedia.) By the actions of Roman Catholic fundamentalists, the composition of the highest constitutional court in the land is in violation of the Constitution.

    Trump’s Judge Whisperer Promised to Take Our Laws Back to the 1930s

    Last week, the Washington Post published a profile of Federalist Society Executive Vice President Leonard Leo, focusing in part on a speech he gave to the Council for National Policy in which he warmly predicted the Supreme Court would soon return to the pre–New Deal era of “limited, constitutional government.” Leo believes, in other words, that the court’s view of the Constitution was better off 85 years ago than it is today. . .

    Last week, the Washington Post published a profile of Federalist Society Executive Vice President Leonard Leo, focusing in part on a speech he gave to the Council for National Policy in which he warmly predicted the Supreme Court would soon return to the pre–New Deal era of “limited, constitutional government.” Leo believes, in other words, that the court’s view of the Constitution was better off 85 years ago than it is today. . .

    “This is really, I think, at least in recent memory, a newfound embrace of limited constitutional government in our country. I don’t think this has really happened since probably before the New Deal.” . . . The outlawing of segregation is settled law in our country, and nobody would dare dream of returning to those antiquated judicial interpretations, you might say? Several of Trump’s judicial nominees have conspicuously, outrageously, refused to say whether they thought Brown v. Board of Education, which ended legal school segregation in 1954, was correctly decided.

    In the 1930s, through a combination of discriminatory literacy tests, poll taxes, “good character” requirements, and straight-up violence, less than 1 percent of black people in the Deep South—where they represented more than a third of the population—were registered to vote. . . Discriminatory voting practices of this sort weren’t banned until the 1965 Voting Rights Act, the most significant provision of which was gutted six years ago in an opinion by Chief Justice John Roberts (whom Leo also helped elevate to the court).

    In the 1930s, women had no constitutional right to equality. They could legally be kept off juries, given different work hours, paid less money, and imprisoned for using birth control. It would be another four decades before the Supreme Court struck down even a single law for discriminating against women. Kavanaugh and Gorsuch—again, both products of Leo’s vetting—recently dissented from the court’s temporary blocking of a Louisiana law that would have left the entire state with just a single doctor able to perform abortions.

    In the first half of the 20th century, the police could beat confessions out of arrestees. Poor defendants had no right to a lawyer. Evidence could be illegally seized and used in prosecutions. In 1944, for example, South Carolina executed a 14-year-old black boy named George Stinney for the murders of two white girls. He was questioned alone, without his parents or a lawyer present, and convicted by an all-white jury after a two-hour trial and 10 minutes of deliberation. He wasn’t allowed to appeal. He had to sit on books to fit into the headpiece of the electric chair. Only in 2014, 70 years too late, did a circuit court judge vacate the 14-year-old Stinney’s murder conviction. The Stinney case tells you all you need to know about criminal justice in the age Leo wants to bring back.

    The 1930s was of course the decade of the Great Depression, when unemployment hit 25 percent and most Americans lived in poverty. The post–New Deal court decisions Leo wishes to repudiate are the ones that gave the government the power to enact minimum wage laws, to create unemployment insurance and Social Security, to provide health insurance to the aged and destitute, and to give workers collective bargaining rights. In the 1930s, those too old to work and too poor not to could often expect a quick but painful death. This is the human toll of “limited government.”

    All of the talk of "limited government" by Roman Catholic fundamentalists is intended to confuse. America's constitutional "limited government" is clear in what it promises:

    Guiding Principles of the Constitution (HA)

    Over the years, the Constitution has acquired an almost sacred status for Americans. Part of the reason for that is its durability: the Constitution has survived, with relatively few changes, for more than two centuries. It ensures stability and continuity in American political life. Furthermore, it has come to represent who we are as a people and a nation. It symbolizes our collective values in a way that most Americans—no matter what their political views—are able to embrace.

    Establishing a Limited Government

    The framers’ main goal in crafting the Constitution was to create a system of limited government. They knew that absolute power often leads to the abuse of rights. On the other hand, they also knew that a lack of governmental power could result in chaos and instability. The framers tried to make sure that religious As James Madison wrote in The Federalist No. 51, “You must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place to oblige it to control itself.” The limited government envisioned in the Constitution is based on six guiding principles: (1) popular sovereignty, (2) the rule of law, (3) separation of powers and checks and balances, (4) federalism, (5) an independent judiciary, and (6) individual rights.

    Roman Catholic absolutism is the antithesis of the above "six guiding principles," and the use of the term "limited government" as the objective of Rome is a colossal fraud. The Roman Catholic fundamentalists are referring to the papacy's Natural Law concept of Subsidiarity.

    The anti-abortion conservative quietly guiding Trump's supreme court pick

    Leonard Leo, who is advising Trump on his nominee, is a mild-mannered Republican who has become one of the Washington’s most influential people

    . . .Leo, a 53-year-old father of six, appears in the media as the mild-mannered public face of a strident campaign to reshape the American judiciary. It is a mission that has spanned several administrations, driven by Leo and fellow devout Catholics, and bankrolled with tens of millions of dollars from unidentified conservative donors. More than a decade ago, it helped secure George W Bush’s confirmation of Justice Samuel Alito and Chief Justice John Roberts.

    “No one has been more dedicated to the enterprise of building a supreme court that will overturn Roe v Wade than the Federalist Society’s Leonard Leo,” Ed Whelan, a conservative legal activist and commentator, said in 2016.

    Working more behind the scenes is Ann Corkery, a Washington lawyer and fundraiser, who in the 1990s said she was a member of Opus Dei, the hardline Catholic order. Corkery defended the group’s practice of self-flagellation. “People don’t understand sacrifice, the whole idea of why anyone would inflict pain, because the modern notion is to avoid suffering,” she said. Corkery did not respond to emailed questions.

    Leo and his wife, Sally, have themselves donated money to a Washington-area school that states its “orientation and spiritual formation are entrusted to Opus Dei”, which has not previously been reported. Leo did not respond to calls and a spokesman did not respond to emailed questions.

    Brian Finnerty, a spokesman for Opus Dei in the US, said in an email that the group adheres to the church’s view that “abortion is always wrong”. He said: “The US bishops have been clear that Roe has been a great tragedy for this country, and that the decision should be overturned.” . . .

    "Devout Catholics," "tens of millions of dollars from unidentified conservative donors," "Opus Dei, the hardline Catholic order," all of these descriptive terms speak volumes.

    The Federalist Society

    The following essay includes essential information about the Heritage Foundation which exposes the activist function of the Federalist Society:

    Serving God and Mammon: The Rise and Influence of the Heritage Foundation and the Federalist Society

    The Creation Project excavates Western history using the conceptual tools of complexity science. The contemporary story that foregrounds this archeological dig emphasizes the philosophical and political influence in the past five decades of a reactionary slice of American Catholicism. In this period, the ideas, organizations, and personalities of impresarios ranging from Antonin Scalia to Robert George to Leonard Leo to Steve Bannon have driven wedge politics and moved the political landscape decisively to the right.

    This focus on “radical traditionalist” undercurrents of conservative American politics allows us to explore interesting, important, relevant, and hitherto underreported themes that inflect the conservative crusade to claim control of federal courts for the next 30 years. These themes include:

    the intellectual and organizational background to the political success of Culture War Catholics;

    the political influence of leading conservative Catholic intellectuals who use philosophies of natural law to frame their perspectives on politics and society; and

    the political meaning of the originalist and textualist philosophies of the Federalist Society and of the conservative judges whom they have worked to promote to the federal bench.

    The effect of these undercurrents have been to shift American jurisprudence from a historically dominant “New England Protestant” legal culture based on traditions of English common law, commitments to legal precedent, and philosophies of positive law and legal realism to an emergent Catholic jurisprudence based on Thomist natural law and a Constitutional fundamentalism derived from the sacred text assumptions of revealed religion.

    The two most important bridge institutions of this shift toward a Catholic jurisprudence are The Heritage Foundation and The Federalist Society . . .

    During the 1970s and 1980s (as Jane Mayer and others have written), super-wealthy American businessmen, such as Charles Koch, who were deeply concerned about the direction of American politics and the corrosive effect upon their interests and values of liberal higher education and media establishments, began to systematically funnel vast amounts of money into foundations and think tanks explicitly designed to influence public opinion, public policy, and public morals. While much of this wealth funded libertarian public policy organizations like the Cato Institute, contributors also generously funded development, within the foundation/think tank world, of a neo-Thomist faith-based philosophy designed to spiritually moor the conservative political insurgency.

    The Heritage Foundation and the Federalist Society are two of the most influential policy institutes to benefit from these infusions. Both organizations internalize and propagate the baseline precepts of Culture War Catholicism, and both have arguably become institutional foundations of Republican Party power no less significant than Fox News, and perhaps more dangerous because gilded with the sheen of academic respectability. . .

    The Heritage Foundation

    The Heritage Foundation was established in 1973 with early financial support from Joseph Coors. and under the leadership, initially, of Paul Weyrich, who was also a founder of the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) and the Moral Majority. Weyrich, who also espoused Dominionism (think Sharia Law for Christians) was generally a hot piece of work functioning, in many respects, as his generation’s Steve Bannon.

    Edwin Feulner served as president of the Heritage Foundation for 36 years (from 1977-2013), before briefly returning to this role following the ouster of Jim DeMint). Feulner’s specific organizational and tactical innovation marked a departure from the traditional approach of more “unbiased” and technocratically oriented think tanks such as the Brookings Institution.

    Feulner imagined Heritage as both an ideas and advocacy organization, built not to respond after the fact to political and policy developments, but instead to proactively and aggressively shape and influence these developments in relation to philosophically grounded conservative commitments to free enterprise, limited government, individual liberty (including what has become known as “religious liberty”), a vague notion of “traditional” American values, and a strong national defense. Weyrich, and Feulner, both raised as Catholics (as was Coors), also infused their organization with a tough-minded, patristic edge deeply informed by the timeless truths associated with Biblical revelation, canon law, papal teachings, and natural law philosophy.

    Heritage cares about political and moral philosophy, with large collections of reports and statements about the founders, conservatism, and progressivism. Heritage cares about religion, as a foundation for freedom, democracy, and civilization. Heritage also cares about laws and policies concerning education, sexuality, gender, conception, contraception, marriage, children, and the family, all of which Heritage views through the lens of religious liberty and an expansive definition of the First Amendment.

    In other words, the Heritage Foundation cares about a host of matters that are of bedrock concern to the more conservative, flame-throwing wing of the Catholic Church hierarchy (those, like “St. Louis” Cardinal Raymond Leo Burke, who are more tuned to the Steve Bannon frequency) and that it addresses in rigorously neo-Thomistic philosophical language which one almost never encounters in other policy research environments (see lectures on natural law from Diarmuid O’Scannlain, Ryan Anderson, David Forte, and Russell Kirk).

    The Federalist Society

    With a narrower and more exclusively legal and constitutional focus, the Federalist Society in many respects operates as a junior partner of the Heritage Foundation on matter of legal and judicial policy and advocacy. The Society was founded in the early 1982 as a seedbed for nurturing conservative legal principles among students at otherwise “liberal” law schools.

    Early supporters included Attorney General Edwin Meese, Solicitor-General Robert Bork, and Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, who became the organization’s beloved godfather until his death in 2016. The Federalist Society’s membership has also included Supreme Court justices John Roberts, Samuel Alito, Clarence Thomas, Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh, and literally every Trump nominee to the federal bench. Of course, Scalia, Roberts, Alito, Thomas, and Kavanaugh are (or were) all practicing Catholics, while Gorsuch was raised devoutly Catholic. Robert Bork converted to Catholicism in 1987 at the age of 76.

    The Federalist Society’s Executive Vice President, Leonard Leo, is a devout Catholic who served three terms on the U.S. International Committee on Religious Freedom and performed outreach and strategy roles for the Catholic Church in U.S. political campaigns. Leo shepherded the Supreme Court Senate confirmations of John Roberts and Samuel Alito. Leo also closely guided the process that selected Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh to fill the vacant seats of Antonin Scalia and Anthony Kennedy. Grandson of a Brooks Brothers vice-president, Leo is, as Jeffrey Toobin writes, the bella figura of the legal conservative movement, well-accoutered and unflappable. As Toobin also notes, Leonard Leo’s life “has been shaped as much by Catholicism as by conservatism.” . . .

    While the overt influence of the traditional menu of Christian religion, sex, and family issues may be less pronounced in the education and advocacy work of the Federalist Society, the organization’s legal focus makes it an ideal vehicle for representing these values in the courtroom and in other public venues concerned with legal philosophy and jurisprudence. . .

    The passages quoted above are a scathing indictment of the role of fundamentalist Roman Catholicism in imposing papal doctrines on the nation and dismantling the constitutional separation of church and state. The primary culprits are the USCCB leadership and extremist Roman Catholics; not the Evangelicals as a body who are delusional dupes. Among elected Republicans are ideological soul mates of the Catholic fundamentalists and others who seek power by undemocratic means.

    The Federalist Society Just Proved It’s All In for Trump

    Last week, the Federalist Society held its annual lawyers’ convention in D.C. For three days, conservative and libertarian attorneys flitted between panels, hearing debates about hot-button legal topics. But the main events were two black-tie dinners: one on Thursday night featuring Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and Justice Brett Kavanaugh, and another on Friday night featuring Attorney General William Barr. Both evenings transformed from intellectual salons into campaign rallies for the Republican Party and Donald Trump. And both further demonstrated a fact that any reasonable observer should already know: The Federalist Society is a fundamentally partisan organization that uses academic debate to conceal its crucial role in the GOP’s judicial nomination machine—and, by extension, Trump’s presidency. . .

    This is the Federalist Society that was on display during McConnell and Barr’s speeches last week. We saw a rare public glimpse of it during McConnell’s address, when he bragged that “we have flipped the 2nd Circuit, the 3rd Circuit, and we will flip the 11th Circuit.” The crowd applauded as McConnell described the courts in raw partisan terms: He “flipped” these courts by confirming more Republican appointees, creating a majority of judges nominated by GOP presidents. And why wouldn’t this throng of Federalist Society foot soldiers respond with gratitude? Chief Justice John Roberts may say there are no “Obama judges or Trump judges.” But this crowd knew the truth: The more “Trump judges” McConnell pushes onto the bench, the more likely it is that the courts will rule for the GOP.

    McConnell’s speech, however, was downright discreet when compared with Barr’s barnburner the next night. The attorney general’s utterly deranged speech presented a theory of executive authority tailor-made for Trump, describing the president as a monarch who has been unlawfully restrained by courts and Congress. Barr bashed Democrats in overtly partisan terms, accusing them of launching “a war to cripple” Trump’s presidency “by any means necessary.” He charged Democrats with an “unprecedented abuse” of the Senate’s ability to block judges, having apparently slept through the Merrick Garland blockade. And he dismissed Congress’ oversight of the executive as “constant harassment,” concluding that “it is the left that is engaged in the systematic shredding of norms and the undermining of the rule of law.”

    Barr’s speech received continual applause and standing ovations throughout his address. The leaders of the Federalist Society had gathered in that room to celebrate their success under the current administration. And Barr delivered the rallying cry they craved: He defended Trump’s lawlessness by reframing the president as a victim of Democratic excess, using constitutional tools to make the executive branch great again.

    This kind of grievance-mongering is deeply rooted in the Federalist Society’s ethos. The group launched in 1982 to combat the perceived liberal bias in law schools at the time, and many members still view themselves as a disadvantaged minority. Federalist Society leaders have demanded greater “intellectual diversity” on law school faculties—that is, affirmative action for conservative scholars. But the group is far from an underdog today; it is, rather, a dominating force in the federal judiciary. And that is largely because of Leonard Leo, co-chairman and executive vice president of the Federalist Society.

    Those who are committed to the Constitution and the rule of law must be alarmed by the outrageous, but accurate, boasts of Senate Majority leader McConnell as reported above. There is more to be included in this paper on the role of the Republican Senate in the erosion of democratic governance and the administration of justice in conformity with the Constitution.

    Standing out at present as a powerful corrupter of the rule of law is William Barr, appointed as Attorney-General of the United States of America, now substituting as Attorney-General of the Donald Trump administration. His name has appeared in quotations earlier in this paper.

    WILLIAM BARR

    A review of earlier quotations in the section on Donald Trump's lawlessness is relevant to consideration of Barr's actions which are consciously designed to destroy America's liberal democracy: Barr, in particular; For Barr, however; Trump’s attorney general, William Barr.

    Barr's theocratic agenda is exposed in the following article:

    Trump’s attorney general wants god’s moral order enforced by government

    As the nation lurches closer towards being ruled by a tyrannical dictator with unwavering support from the Republican Party, the American people are ignoring an even greater threat to their waning secular democracy – rule by tyrannical theocrats.

    The rise of theocrats in powerful positions of authority is particularly disconcerting because not only was America created as a secular nation with a secular Constitution, but because the theocrats running the federal government represent a very small minority of the population. And now Trump has given that vicious minority what they elected him to do in the first place; another radical Christian extremist, William Barr, in a powerful federal government position.

    J. Beauregard Sessions was a legitimate threat to America’s secular government as Trump’s attorney general, but his theocratic aspirations paled in comparison to Trump’s latest theocratic cabinet member – a conservative Catholic malcontent who is unlikely to ever defend the U.S. Constitution because it is a secular document. It is noteworthy that Sessions only stated that, according to his mind, the separation of church and state in the Constitution is a concept that is unconstitutional. However, his replacement ardently believes that America’s government is duty-bound to enforce god’s laws because there is no place for secularism.

    In a 1995 essay, Barr expressed the extremist Christian view that “American government should not be secular;” secularism is an abomination in Barr’s theocratic mind despite the law of the land is unmistakably secular. Furthermore, Barr contends America’s government is supposed to be imposing “a transcendent moral order with objective standards of right and wrong that flows from God’s eternal law;” eternal law best dictated by the Vatican and taught in public schools at taxpayer’s expense.

    It is true that as attorney general William Barr will defend Trump’s criminality and corruption; it is one of the only reasons Trump nominated him. However, the real danger to the nation is Barr’s belief that the government’s primary function should be defending and enforcing his god’s moral edicts while ardently opposing any legislative branch effort to make secular laws according to the secular Constitution. . .

    Barr epitomizes the typical extremist religious fanatic by blaming everything from crime to divorce to sexually transmitted diseases on what he alleges is “the federal government’s non-stop attacks on traditional religious values.” In fact, he joins no small number of Republican evangelical extremists who demand that taxpayers fund religious instruction, specifically Catholic religious instruction, in public schools. Barr, as a matter of fact, has called for the United States government to subsidize Catholic education and categorically called for federal legislation to promote Vatican edicts to “restrain sexual immorality;” an explicit reference to his religion’s ban on homosexuality, extramarital sex, and “artificial” birth control. Don’t believe it?

    In an address to “The Governor’s Conference on Juvenile Crime, Drugs and Gangs,” Barr condemned the idea of adhering to the U.S. Constitution’s mandated separation of church and state in the public education system. The theocrat said:

    “This moral lobotomy of public schools has been based on extremist notions of separation of church and state or on theories of moral relativism which reject the notion that there are standards of rights or wrong to which the community can demand adherence.”

    Barr also penned an article in The Catholic Lawyer where he complained vehemently about what he asserted was “the rise of secularism;” something he claims is anathema to a nation he believes should be ruled by theocrats. Barr attempted to give an answer to “the challenge of representing Catholic institutions as authorities” on what is considered right and wrong, or morally acceptable in a secular nation. In discussing what Barr termed was “The Breakdown of Traditional Morality,” the new attorney general complained thus:

    “We live in an increasingly militant, secular age… As part of this philosophy, we see a growing hostility toward religion, particularly Catholicism. This form of bigotry has always been fashionable in the United States. There are, today, even greater efforts to marginalize or ‘ghettoize’ orthodox religion…”

    Barr is also a bigot when it comes to people who respect the Constitution’s separation of church and state in providing equal rights for all Americans whether theocrats agree or not. Barr’s belief that government is bound to enforce Vatican dictates is what drives his assertion that, for example, equal rights laws demanding that colleges treat homosexual groups like any other student group is inherently wrong.

    He claims treating LGBTQ people like everyone else is detrimental because:

    “[Equality] dissolves any form of moral consensus in society. There can be no consensus based on moral views in the country, only enforced neutrality.”

    It is noteworthy that what Barr considers “enforced neutrality” is what most Americans understand is the U.S. Constitution’s guarantee of equal rights for all Americans. If this country was not plagued with religious extremists, bigots, misogynists, and hate-driven conservatives there would never be a need to “enforce neutrality,” or protect all Americans’ equal rights guaranteed according to secular law. There is no such thing as equality in Barr’s theocratic mind and the idea of the government not enforcing the privilege and superiority the religious right has enjoyed for too long is abominable, and now he wields federal government authority to right that abomination. . .

    It is too bad that Barr’s religious mind incites him to believe the federal government’s job is enforcing his religion’s concept of “morality,” and that the purposely-conceived “secular” law of the land is “militant” and “hostile toward religion, particularly Catholicism.” If any American believes Barr will defend the Constitution, or equal rights, or freedom from religious imposition, they are deluded beyond belief. As the religious right’s attorney general, Barr will be the de facto enforcement arm of the evangelical extremists and aid in implementing all of the horrors a theocratic dictatorship entails – beginning with an increased government assault on women.

    For an idea of how an avowed anti-choice theocrat leading the Justice Department will be the enforcement arm of the evangelical extremist cult, consider Trump’s latest evangelical edict forbidding medical professionals from giving women medical options the religious right and Vatican oppose.

    Trump and Pence issued a gag order banning the term “abortion” as a woman’s option to carrying an unwanted pregnancy to term. The order will certainly face lawsuits, but instead of defending a medical professional’s ability to practice medicine, or exercise their freedom of speech, the theocratic-led DOJ will defend the religious right’s assault on women and medical professionals’ free speech because such speech is opposed by evangelicals. Trump’s latest theocratic edict was, by the way, a direct result of the evangelical right’s strict adherence to Vatican dictates banning women’s bodily autonomy and self-determination regarding reproduction.

    There is no good outcome going forward with an avowed theocrat serving as the nation’s top law enforcement official. This is particularly true since Barr has made no secret that he considers the secular government “militant” and “bigoted” for not promoting “god’s eternal laws” of right and wrong. The very inconvenient truth for Americans is that long after Trump and Barr are out of power, the theocratic authorities will continue unimpeded because Trump has dutifully created a hard-line conservative judiciary specifically to ensure that America as a secular nation is, for all intents and purposes, coming to an end after resisting theocracy for over two centuries. (Underscored emphasis added.)

    Federal Judge Blasts William Barr For Distorting Mueller Report

    The judge questioned whether the attorney general tried to “create a one-sided narrative” that benefited President Donald Trump.

    A federal judge appointed by President George W. Bush laid into Attorney General William Barr’s “lack of candor” in a court opinion on Thursday, accusing the nation’s chief law enforcement official of producing a “distorted” summary of special counsel Robert Mueller’s report on Russian interference in the 2016 election.

    U.S. District Judge Reggie B. Walton, in an opinion issued in the course of a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit filed by BuzzFeed, questioned whether Barr intended to create a “one-sided narrative” that would benefit President Donald Trump.

    The speed by which Attorney General Barr released to the public the summary of Special Counsel Mueller’s principal conclusions, coupled with the fact that Attorney General Barr failed to provide a thorough representation of the findings set forth in the Mueller Report, causes the Court to question whether Attorney General Barr’s intent was to create a one-sided narrative about the Mueller Report — a narrative that is clearly in some respects substantively at odds with the redacted version of the Mueller Report,” Walton wrote.

    Barr released a summary of the Mueller report before its public release that mischaracterized the report’s findings in a manner that helped Trump. Mueller complained to Barr that his summary “did not fully capture the context, nature, and substance” of Mueller’s full report, but the report shaped public opinion on the findings of the Mueller investigation for weeks.

    Walton also criticized Barr for holding a press conference ahead of the report’s release last April, saying he could not “reconcile certain public representations made by Attorney General Barr with the findings” of the Mueller report . . .

    Walton said that Barr’s credibility issues led him to the conclusion that he needed to review the unredacted report himself to provide “independent verification in light of Attorney General Barr’s conduct and misleading public statements about the findings in the Mueller Report.”

    How Bill Barr Deceitfully Rewrites History to Give Trump What He Craves

    The AG plays footsie with “Obamagate” and helps Moscow.

    Bill Barr is at it again. Donald Trump’s attorney general is trying to depict himself as a nonpartisan, just-doing-my-job law enforcement official, even as he ruthlessly and relentlessly pursues a political agenda designed to rewrite history and save his boss.

    Barr has spent over a year crusading to discredit the Trump-Russia investigation and nullify Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s probe. In recent weeks, his Justice Department has moved to limit the sentencing for Roger Stone, the longtime Trump confidant convicted of lying to Congress in the Russia probe, and attempted to drop entirely the case against Michael Flynn, Trump’s first national security adviser who had already pleaded guilty of lying to the FBI. Barr has repeatedly voiced suspicions about the origins of the FBI’s Russia investigation—providing support to Trump and other conspiracy theorists who claim it was all a set-up engineered by a supposed Deep State to thwart Trump. He has assigned John Durham, the US attorney for Connecticut, to investigate the investigation and pressed governments overseas for information to bolster Trump’s crackpot claim that the Russia inquiry was a hoax. Barr has waged bureaucratic warfare to discredit a probe that confirmed Russia attacked the 2016 election to help Trump and that landed top Trump lieutenants in the slammer. The big goal: to erase this double-taint on Trump’s presidency, for that is what Trump desperately craves. (Barr’s stance also has the effect of drawing attention from the fact that Russia, according to top intelligence officials, is back for a repeat performance and intervening in the 2020 election.)

    Barr conducts this deceitful game slyly, playing footsie with “Obamagate”—the undefined term Trump tosses about to suggest, without evidence, that President Barack Obama and Vice President Joe Biden spied on him and his campaign and used the FBI to mount a phony investigation of his campaign’s contacts with Russia. (A recent FBI inspector general’s report, which criticized the FBI for one aspect of this investigation, concluded that the bureau’s probe had not been politically motivated.) Barr’s statements and actions have fueled the right’s paranoid fantasy that the real scandal is the Russia investigation itself, not the Russian attack, the Trump campaign’s false denials of Russian involvement, or the interactions between Trump’s circle and Russia during the 2016 election. Yet as Barr enables and empowers this nonsense, he is endeavoring to come across [as] reasonable. . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

    Bill Barr exudes a certain ghoulish presence in photographs. This is brought into stark relief in the following report;

    Attorney General William Barr Is Willing to Destroy the Rule of Law for the Trump Administration

    From the outset, the independence and integrity of the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) has been in rapid decay under the Trump administration. Early in his presidency, Trump berated then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions, accusing him of political “disloyalty,” for Sessions’ decision to recuse himself from the Mueller investigation. Later, after pushing Sessions out, he installed an acting attorney general, Matthew Whitaker, who was widely seen as a partisan actor willing to be an “attack dog” for Trump. This appointment was done without confirmation from the Senate, invoking serious constitutional concerns.

    Since taking the helm of the department, Attorney General William Barr has become an active accomplice in the Trump administration’s efforts to politicize the DOJ. When armed protestors stormed the Michigan state legislature to protest public health orders, for example, Barr was largely quiet—a stark contrast to his willingness to quickly denounce the Black Lives Matter protests occurring throughout the country as “hijacked” by far-left extremists without providing evidence to back up his claim. In fact, despite the vulnerable state of the country amidst the coronavirus epidemic, Barr appears to be ramping up the partisan nature of the DOJ.

    These actions provide a dangerous illustration of the lengths that Barr may be willing to go.

    Dropping criminal charges against a Trump ally

    Most recently and dramatically, Barr’s DOJ moved to drop the criminal charges against Michael Flynn—Trump’s first national security adviser and political ally. . .

    The DOJ’s actions regarding Flynn were foreshadowed well in advance. DOJ political appointees overruled career DOJ attorney’s recommended sentencing for another former Trump political aide—Roger Stone. That interference came after Trump publicly urged the Department to act in such a manner as well.

    The lack of oversight at the DOJ

    Each federal agency has a watchdog, officially known as an inspector general (IG,) responsible for investigating and reporting on serious allegations of wrongdoing within their agency. But despite evidence of clear impropriety conducted by Trump officials at the DOJ—and in marked contrast to other agency IGs—there have been no major findings released on the Trump administration.

    DOJ Inspector General Michael Horowitz has confoundingly prioritized issuing reports on right-wing conspiracy theories related to the Obama administration. . . Unfortunately, for the time being, Horowitz appears to be falling in line with Barr’s desire to shield the Trump administration from any meaningful oversight. Former DOJ attorneys and staff from both Democratic and Republican administrations wrote an open letter to try to explain the seriousness of Barr’s abuse of power . . .

    Supporting far-right conservative activists over public health

    Just days after Trump specifically ramped up attacks on Democratic governors for their public health orders aimed at ending the spread of COVID-19, Barr announced that the DOJ would formally begin reviewing and challenging state public health orders.

    During the pandemic, the idea of flouting public health measures and protesting “stay-at-home” orders has become linked with support for the Trump administration itself. . . On May 24, the president went so far as to ignore public health experts and demand that governors allow churches reopen. . .

    This legal strategy is a continuation of long-standing efforts to twist the meaning of “religious liberty” in order to give far-right ideologies special legal standing. . . Even as the coronavirus crisis took hold, Barr hosted “religious liberty” workshops that, according to some career DOJ attorneys, promoted ways to enable discrimination against LGBTQ people. Thankfully, though efforts continue, the Supreme Court recently rejected a request by one California church to block the enforcement of the state’s public health order.

    The first suit, however, that Barr’s department moved to support after the new policy’s announcement arose out of Virginia and underscores the ideology motivating these legal requests. It is being argued by Liberty Counsel—a far-right group that the Southern Poverty Law Center identifies as “legal organization advocating for anti-LGBT discrimination under the guise of religious liberty.” The head of that organization and former Liberty University president, Mat Staver, is a notable Trump supporter who has claimed the media has sided with Satan to attack the president.

    In reaction to the DOJ filing a statement in support of the suit, Staver announced he was “very pleased” by Barr’s involvement in the case.

    Seeking to hold American citizens in detention indefinitely

    Finally, given what these actions suggest regarding Barr’s willingness to use the might of the Department of Justice to support Trump’s political allies, it is important to keep in mind that the DOJ has recently requested emergency powers from Congress.

    While Congress did not give in to Barr’s request, the scope of what the attorney general sought was sweeping. Under the proposal, the DOJ would have been able to petition individual judges at the district court level to indefinitely suspend certain court proceedings—effectively, giving the department wide latitude to significantly delay certain arrested individuals’ ability to appear in court.

    Conservative activists on the judiciary

    While the requested emergency powers would have relied on judicial cooperation to execute, Barr would likely have been able to find support among the many ideologically driven federal judges the Trump administration has installed—including some who went directly from the White House to the bench. At both the district level, where the policy would be first implemented, and at the appellate level, where any challenge to the policy surely would have been eventually heard, far-right judicial activists have an increasing hold on the bench.
    Trump outpaces any other modern president in terms of the number of judicial appointments made at this point in their respective administrations, with 1 in every 4 appellate judge being a Trump nominee.

    Such a policy would have allowed for the Sixth Amendment, which guarantees a “speedy and public trial,” to be circumvented. Furthermore, the proposed policy appeared to give Barr’s department near-total discretion in eliminating these core constitutional protections.

    The executive director of the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, Norman L. Reimer, called Barr’s request “absolutely terrifying” and something that “should not happen in a democracy.”

    Conclusion

    Barr’s recent actions demonstrate his loyalty and adherence to the president’s personal interests as well as his brazenness while furthering those interests. As the pandemic continues, there are likely to be increasing threats to Americans’ rights and safety that the DOJ will play a role in responding to. Currently, however, there is little to indicate that Attorney General Barr will be willing to prioritize the protection of ordinary people over the protection of the Trump administration. (Underscored emphasis added.)

    We may justifiably disapprove of the LGBT cultural revolution; but denial of their individual civil liberties is ominous. Note Mat Staver's claim that the media has sided with Satan to attack the president. The day is rapidly approaching when those who refuse to bow the knee to Baal will also be accused of siding with Satan.

    Bill Barr, warrior for theocracy: Why didn't we know this until now?

    https://mediaproxy.salon.com/width/1200/https://media.salon.com/2020/01/bill-barr-christianity-010220.jpg

    The attorney general has gradually revealed his terrifying agenda: Who knew, and why was this concealed so long?

    It has long been an article of faith (no pun intended) among some on the left that the culture war was simply a cynical tool of the conservative movement to fool the rubes into voting against their economic interests. In this reading, right-wing leaders had no intention of ever following through on culture-war issues. They would string the voters along forever, promising to deliver on abortion or gay rights or guns but never really getting the job done, the assumption being that they could keep the conservative base's intensity at full throttle if those voters believed they were on the cusp of getting their agenda passed. Meanwhile, as the marks were distracted by endless culture-war skirmishes, the big money conservatives would pass laws that benefited themselves and harmed their own voters.

    As it happens, it did indeed go down that way. The conservative movement benefactors made out like bandits while Republican voters got screwed economically. But the notion that the rich men in charge would never have to deliver on their culture-war promises was always wrong. Eventually, they would have to pay the piper.

    Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell signaled that they were ready when he withheld the Supreme Court nomination of Merrick Garland during Barack Obama’s last year and then confirmed the Federalist Society’s darling, true blue social conservative Neil Gorsuch, as soon as Donald Trump took office. Evangelical leaders rushed to Brett Kavanaugh’s defense when he was under fire for his decadent youthful behavior and was accused of sexual assault during the confirmation hearings because they had been assured he would hew to the party line. Kavanaugh's threats to take revenge on all who opposed him probably reassured the religious right that he would vote the right way on the cases they care about.

    McConnell’s Job No. 1 was to get a Supreme Court majority that would protect the interests of the wealthy and ensure the government didn’t burden business with inconvenient regulations. But he also made sure he got justices who would give the social conservatives what they had been demanding. The lower courts are now packed with the most far-right extremists he could find.

    This week 38 U.S. senators and 168 House members filed an amicus brief in an abortion case the Supreme Court is hearing, urging it to "reconsider" Roe v. Wade as well as Planned Parenthood v. Casey, which barred states from placing an undue burden on access to abortions. They are ready to reward the religious right for their years of loyalty. If the Supreme Court overturns Roe, I have a feeling any cracks in the Republican coalition will miraculously mend right up. . .

    William Barr, the attorney general of the United States, has also served on the board of the Catholic Information Center, although Opus Dei has officially denied that he is a member. Just as the political and media establishment conveniently overlooked Barr's long-term commitment to the "unitary executive theory" in its most extreme form, they didn’t seem to know that he was even more committed to far-right social conservatism. It wasn’t until Barr gave a speech at Notre Dame last October that everyone finally understood to what degree he is a religious crusader.

    In that speech he said many things, blaming “secularists” for causing immense pain and suffering and “moral chaos.” He suggested that “the law is being used as a battering ram to break down traditional moral values and to establish moral relativism as a new orthodoxy” and went on to detail how he was counteracting that as attorney general. His views are what Katherine Stewart and Caroline Fredrickson identified in a New York Times op-ed as "religious nationalism," which basically implies either a theocratic state or a single-religion state.

    Barr made his beliefs explicit:

    Judeo-Christian moral standards are the ultimate utilitarian rules for human conduct and religion helps frame moral culture within society that instills and reinforces moral discipline. The fact is that no secular creed has emerged capable of performing the role of religion.

    Apparently the law and the Constitution are just wallpaper, which is an unusual thing for a U.S. attorney general to imply.

    As Stewart and Fredrickson point out, this explains why Barr is so willing to lie and cover for the libertine Trump:

    Within this ideological framework, the ends justify the means. In this light, Mr. Barr’s hyperpartisanship is the symptom, not the malady. At Christian nationalist gatherings and strategy meetings, the Democratic Party and its supporters are routinely described as “demonic” and associated with “rulers of the darkness.” If you know that society is under dire existential threat from secularists, and you know that they have all found a home in the other party, every conceivable compromise with principles, every ethical breach, every back-room deal is not only justifiable but imperative. And as the vicious reaction to Christianity Today’s anti-Trump editorial demonstrates, any break with this partisan alignment will be instantly denounced as heresy.

    Bill Barr may be the most unvetted attorney general in history, which is strange since he had served as AG under George H.W. Bush and was well known in DC circles. How could he have been confirmed as the nation's top law enforcement official when nobody knew that he was a far-right religious extremist on a mission to use the law and the executive power to enforce a moral code? How many others like him are buried within the Trump administration, protecting this licentious president in order to Make America Christian Again?

    The author of the article is not alone among objective writers in describing current events as "terrifying." (Cf. "Such a policy would have allowed" above.) They see the handwriting on the wall for this nation. Can Seventh-day Adventists who have been beguiled into continuing to vote Republican since 1980 still be awakened out of spiritual apathy, or even worse - the delusion that the theocratic movement is of God?

    Mitch McConnell has been somewhat of an enigma, with no clear direct connection to the theocratic movement. The author of the article may have a valid insight into his primary motivation. However, it should be observed that "conservative movement benefactors" are substantially identified with Roman Catholicism. In fact it was predicted by Roman Catholic activists that they would benefit from the Supreme Court decision in the Citizen's United case.

    MITCH MCCONNELL

    Interestingly, Mitch McConnell, Majority Leader of the Republican controlled Senate, and Leonard Leo, Executive Vice President of the Federalist Society, have both repeatedly been described as "owlish," and this description is evident from examination of their photographs. The following are examples of many such descriptions:

    "The crafty, owlish-looking McConnell has battled Reid for years - as much over rules and procedures as over Obamacare and other critical legislative issues. The bickering continued Tuesday, when the two sides argued over whether Reid had given the Republicans a fair shot at amending a bill to restore unemployment benefits for 1.4 million long-term unemployed." (Get Ready for One-Party Rule If GOP Wins the Senate)

    "An owlish 52-year-old lawyer and operative, Leo is the executive vice president of the Federalist Society . . ." (Inside Trump’s Judicial Takeover.)

    Owls are beneficial predators of the night. The depredations in darkness of McConnell and Leo have already laid waste to essential founding principles of the American nation.

    McConnell's speech to the Federalist Society boasted of his work in creating a right-wing judiciary intended to demolish:

    (1) the Limited Government envisioned by the Founding Fathers. Note that they "knew that absolute power often leads to the abuse of rights;" and "the limited government envisioned in the Constitution is based on six guiding principles: (1) popular sovereignty, (2) the rule of law, (3) separation of powers and checks and balances, (4) federalism, (5) an independent judiciary, and (6) individual rights." Absolute power is clearly the quest of Mitch McConnell, and he has already violated all of the six principles of Limited Government, (federalism perhaps excepted.)

    (2) The No Religious Test Clause of the Constitution which preceded the First Amendment. This was already in a precarious condition bordering on extinction by the time of the George W. Bush  presidency. Its demise at the Supreme Court level is now complete beyond resuscitation under the Senate leadership of Mitch McConnell. He is now feverishly working to accomplish the same purpose at the federal Appeals and District courts level.

    3) The Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. The No Agenda Roberts Court  has been chipping away methodically at the Establishment Clause. Anti-abortion cases have not been considered under this clause. Roe v. Wade was decided under the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment right to privacy. The decision might more appropriately have been made under the Establishment Clause:

    Abortion Politics and the Decline of the Separation of Church and State: The Southern Baptist Case

    ABORTION AND CHURCH-STATE POLITICS IN THE SBC

    During the process of the SBC’s transition from moderate leadership to conservative leadership and from support for separation to support for accommodation, the denomination also experienced an important shift in its position on abortion. While the SBC was promoting church-state separation, it maintained a qualified defense of pro-choice abortion rights. From 1971–1979, the Convention passed six resolutions supporting, at least somewhat, pro-choice rights for American women. A 1971 resolution called for "Southern Baptists to work for legislation that will allow the possibility of abortion under such conditions as rape, incest, clear evidence of severe fetal deformity, and carefully ascertained evidence of the likelihood of damage to the emotional, mental, and physical health of the mother”(Resolution on Abortion1971). This was the strongest pro-choice resolution the convention ever passed. Its succeeding resolutions endorsed a culture of protecting life, encouraged efforts to reduce abortion, and opposed the wanton use of abortion, while still allowing for some abortions. In the 1970s, Southern Baptists lacked consensus on abortion, but they were becoming more pro-life. Still, a large percentage assumed that the effort to outlaw abortion was particularly a Catholic issue (Hankins2002).

    In 1980, though, there was a decisive shift in the SBC’s position on abortion. The 1980 resolution unequivocally declared the SBC’s opposition to "abortion on demand” and “the use of tax money or public, tax-supported medical facilities for selfish, non-therapeutic abortion.” It closed with a clear statement of the Convention’s wishes, stating, "We favor appropriate legislation and/or a constitutional amendment prohibiting abortion except to save the life of the mother” (Resolution on Abortion 1980). In every resolution on abortion since 1980, the SBC has taken a firm pro-life stance. . .

    During this change in the SBC, its positions on abortion and church-state relations shifted in important ways. My argument is that the concurrence of these shifts is not coincidental. The relationship between these two issues is also more explicit than a broad culture war battle occurring within American society and the denomination (Hankins 2002; Hunter 1991). In the SBC, abortion politics played an important role in promoting its shift away from the separation of church and state. The BJC’s version of the separation of church and state did not commingle well with pro-life advocacy and the political and theological conservatism of Southern Baptists. . .

    Much of pro-life Southern Baptists 'disdain for the BJC begins with James E. Wood, Jr., the executive director of the BJC from 1972–1980. Early in his tenure, Wood supported abortion rights. In order to avoid a territorial conflict with the CLC, which was charged with advocating on social issues, he couched pro-choice advocacy in terms of promoting religious liberty for those who favored abortion and the promotion of the separation of church and state in the face of the potential establishment of religious beliefs (Perry 1996). Utilizing Free Exercise and Establishment Clause arguments to oppose pro-life policies was not unique to Wood and the BJC of the 1970s. These arguments were frequent among strict separationist lobbies and Mainline Protestant groups. Before the Supreme Court, evidence of this first appears in an amicus curiae brief submitted by the American Ethical Union, American Jewish Congress, Episcopal Diocese of New York, United Methodist Church, and others in Roe v. Wade and Doe v. Bolton (1973). (Underscored emphasis added.)

    The evidence is clear that the shift in the Southern Baptists' position on abortion was concurrent with a shift on church-state relations.

    The significance of the repeated mention of the prophetic year 1980 in the context of an undermining of the separation of church and state has already been established in this paper. That year marked the political beginnings of an increasingly intense assault on the Establishment Clause in the abortion controversy as well as other areas of constitutional law. While this process preceded Mitch McConnell's tenure as Majority Leader of the Republican Senate, he has greatly accelerated it by judicial appointments to the federal courts.

    Seventh-day Adventists have a particular and critically important reason to object to "pro-life" laws being imposed on the nation - the essential repudiation of the dogma of the immortality of the soul.

    Evidence is lacking that Mitch McConnell is identified with the theocratic movement, which is unabashedly distorting the Constitution in order to destroy it and institute a "Christian" dictatorship. In fact, there is evidence that McConnell is not an ideologue, but a ruthless opportunist, lusting only for power:

    Mitch McConnell’s shameless pursuit of power, explained

    Jane Mayer on how McConnell exemplifies the GOP’s “cult of winning.”

    Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell is a nihilist.

    More than any other politician in recent memory, his life is a monument to self-dealing and partisan hackery.

    His devotion to winning at all costs, to ensuring there are no limits on private money in politics, to bending the rules and shunning public opinion, has done incalculable damage to constitutional norms in the US. As my colleague Andrew Prokop noted back in 2017, McConnell has almost singlehandedly broken the Senate — and with it, American politics.

    New Yorker writer Jane Mayer is the latest to take a deep dive into the life and mind of McConnell. In a lengthy profile for the April 20, 2020 issue, Mayer documents McConnell’s capitulations to President Donald Trump and tries to explain what’s motivating them — or at least what people who know McConnell think is motivating him.

    Her answer is familiar: power. It’s the only thing McConnell appears to want, and there’s no ideology behind it, no real worldview, no purpose. . .

    What a cynical existence! What a destructive force in the history of America!

    Donald Trump has done less to destroy democratic norms than Mitch McConnell

    The Senate majority leader has been around Washington long enough and is smart enough to know precisely what he’s doing to our country for his party.

    No one should be surprised that Mitch McConnell has promised that any potential 2020 Trump Supreme Court nominee will not get the Merrick Garland treatment — i.e., be held up until after the presidential race is decided. While McConnell and his Republican colleagues have tried to frame their 2016 obstructionism on Garland's nomination and prospective 2020 decision in various forms of Senate tradition, he has, in this instance, been more-than-normally forthright: Supreme Court nominations are all about partisan politics, nothing more, nothing less.

    In that, McConnell is the living, breathing, calculating face of everything that is wrong with our current politics. To the extent to which our system has become dysfunctional, McConnell is the single chief architect of that sclerosis. President Donald Trump is a dangerous, blundering wrecking ball, but McConnell was undermining the system well before (and is likely to outlast) him. . .

    The Washington Post’s Dana Milbank once wrote that McConnell’s tombstone should include the inscription: “He broke America.” He has been called the “gravedigger of American democracy,” “destroyer of norms” and “the true villain of some of the ugliest moments in this period of U.S. history.” And those are understatements.

    McConnell, at least, has been around long enough and is smart enough to know precisely what it is he’s doing. Trump seemingly doesn’t understand our system or a president's place in history beyond his desire to get his way. It's hard to see that as worse than McConnell's deliberate effort to destroy that which he cannot control.

    Jane Mayer described McConnell as a nihilist. A nihilist is defined as "a person who believes that life is meaningless and rejects all religious and moral principles" (Lexico.com.) The term is aptly applied to McConnell:

    Senate GOP leader relishes role as ‘Grim Reaper’

    Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell calls himself the Grim Reaper — the one who holds the scythe leading to the chamber where the desires of Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s House majority go to die.

    It is a role that can bring a pursed smile to his face. This week, he had many reasons to.

    The Republican leader halted Democrats’ effort to add more migrant protections to a border funding package and stopped senators from limiting President Donald Trump’s ability to respond militarily in Iran.

    By week’s end, the typically understated Kentuckian was emoting over his unexpected star turn at the Democratic presidential debates as the candidates decried his prowess to mercilessly wield the power of ‘no.’

    A little quiz: Who won the Democratic presidential debate?” he asked the crowd at a gathering of religious conservatives.

    “I did!” he exclaimed. “I dominated the Democratic debate last night.”

    Rarely has a political figure pinned his fortunes on accomplishing so little. McConnell has made a career out of stopping things — first Barack Obama’s agenda (underscored by his unsuccessful vow to make him a “one-term” president), now Pelosi’s — taking pride in what has come to be known as the Senate graveyard.

    Imagine the Majority Leader of the Senate relishing his reputation for killing all legislation from the House of Representatives - and it is all done with a visible smirk!

    Mitch McConnell’s democracy-crushing smirk is why just getting rid of Trump isn’t enough | Will Bunch

    So this is how liberty dies — with a hideous, utterly shameless smirk on the face of arguably the most cynical political leader in American history, as the warriors in his political tribe cackle with laughter.

    The end came Tuesday in about the most out-of-the-way venue you could imagine: a chamber of commerce luncheon in Paducah, Ky., where Mitch McConnell — the 77-year-old son of bluegrass country, now one of America’s three most powerful politicians as Senate majority leader — was finally asked a question that’s long been on people’s minds, about how he might handle an unexpected Supreme Court vacancy if one occurs during the 2020 presidential election.

    It was in 2016, you surely remember, that Justice Antonin Scalia died suddenly and McConnell wouldn’t even allow then-President Barack Obama’s nominee, a thoroughly decent federal appeals court judge named Merrick Garland, to get a hearing. This wasn’t, McConnell insisted at the time, what it looked like — denying Obama his constitutional power to fill a vacancy that was never questioned for the 42 (cough, cough ... white) presidents who came before him, and a naked power play to make sure pro-business judges set our laws for the next 40 years.

    No, the Senate leader told us, this was about the highest democratic principles, that "[t]he American people should have a voice in the selection of their next Supreme Court Justice,” while also claiming political precedents that didn’t really exist. Three years later, McConnell is now telling us that the people’s voice is only audible when it’s Republican voters looking to replace a Democratic POTUS. . .

    “Oh, we’d fill it,” McConnell said Tuesday, unable to suppress his laughter that quickly spread through a room of Kentuckians who also see the lighter side of 21st-century neo-fascism. He prattled on for a minute or two about the importance of a permanent wall of judges which, in his words, “cannot be undone.” . . .

    Here is where the nation now stands. Even if the democratic candidate wins the 2020 presidential election. There is already a permanent wall of judges which "cannot be undone."

    PART V: THEOCRATS BRANDISH  MAILED FIST

    VIOLENCE AGAINST PEACEFUL DEMONSTRATORS EVILS OF LUST FOR DOMINATING POWER

    As hundreds of thousands Americans of all ethnicities protested across the nation against the callous murder of George Floyd at the hands of the police, the true spirit controlling the religious right Christian Supremacists was revealed by their current leader.

    VIOLENCE AGAINST PEACEFUL DEMONSTRATORS

    ‘Outraged’: Trump faces condemnation for clearing protesters, threatening military force

    Meanwhile, local and state leaders objected to the commander in chief’s push to deploy troops to their communities.

    President Donald Trump faced withering criticism in the hours after spurring a violent incursion against apparently peaceful protesters for the purposes of staging a political photo opportunity — provoking rebukes Tuesday from local and state executives, congressional lawmakers, faith leaders and even foreign governments over the extraordinary show of force amid converging national crises.

    Washington Mayor Muriel Bowser revealed officials within her office were “very shocked and, quite frankly, outraged” by the aggressive dispersal of crowds demonstrating outside the White House on Monday evening, facilitated by police officers and National Guard troops firing rubber bullets and deploying flash-bang grenades.

    The mayor insisted no officers with the Metropolitan Police Department were involved in the effort to force protesters from Lafayette Square and the surrounding area. The park was cleared nearly an hour before Washington’s 7 p.m. curfew was to go into effect in order to open a path for Trump, top White House aides and senior administration officials to venture across the street to the historic St. John’s Episcopal Church.

    “At no time did we think it was appropriate that people who had not violated the curfew or anything else receive that treatment,” Bowser told CNN, saying she could not comment on “what made the federal authorities think it was appropriate to clear the way for that purpose.”

    Prominent members of the Christian clergy in the United States similarly condemned Trump’s decision to then pose with a Bible outside the so-called Church of the Presidents, which had been partly damaged by a basement fire during protests during the weekend.

    The president hoisted the holy book “as if it were spiritual validation and justification for a message that is antithetical to the teachings of Jesus and to the God of justice,” the Right Rev. Mariann Edgar Budde, bishop of the Episcopal Diocese of Washington, told ABC News. . .

    Ahead of Trump’s scheduled visit Tuesday to the Saint John Paul II National Shrine, Washington Archbishop Wilton Gregory called it “baffling and reprehensible that any Catholic facility would allow itself to be so egregiously misused and manipulated in a fashion that violates our religious principles.”

    The late pope, Gregory said in his statement, “was an ardent defender of the rights and dignity of human beings,” and “certainly would not condone the use of tear gas and other deterrents to silence, scatter or intimidate them for a photo opportunity in front of a place of worship and peace.”

    The president has repeatedly advocated for a reinforced law enforcement presence, including the deployment of the National Guard, in states to quash the increasingly volatile protests that have spread across the country since George Floyd, a 46-year-old black man, died in Minneapolis police custody last week.

    Trump encouraged America’s governors on a teleconference Monday to “dominate” cities ravaged by lootings and riots, and threatened later that evening at the White House to call on the military to put an end to the nationwide wave of racial unrest if state and local officials refused to activate the National Guard. . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

    During his presidency Donald Trump has consistently exhibited despotic inclinations in his statements and actions; none more so than during the George Floyd demonstrations. The silence of his supporters and enablers in elective office has, with virtually no exceptions, been deafening. Not so high-ranking retired military officers, who are sensitive to the armed forces becoming involved in domestic politics:

    James Mattis condemns Trump’s handling of George Floyd protests

    In an extraordinary statement, the former defence secretary accused the president of abusing his executive authority with Monday’s publicity stunt

    Donald Trump’s first defence secretary, James Mattis, has delivered a blistering condemnation of the president, accusing him of abusing executive authority in his response to the recent wave of anti-racism protests that have convulsed cities across the US, and calling for him for to be held accountable.

    Mattis’s broadside breaks a near silence from the ex-marine general since he resigned in December 2018. He expressed outrage at the militarisation of the administration’s response to mass protests over the police killing of George Floyd.
    “I have watched this week’s unfolding events, angry and appalled,” he said.

    His statement, published by the Atlantic magazine, came on a day of confusion and discord in the Trump administration over the role of the military. Mattis’s successor as defence secretary, Mark Esper, had contradicted Trump over the president’s threatened invocation of the 1807 Insurrection Act to deploy active duty troops on US streets.

    Esper had ordered elite airborne troops, flown to the Washington outskirts on Monday, back to their bases on Wednesday, but then reversed that order hours later after a visit to the White House.

    The defence secretary had also sought to distance himself from a presidential publicity stunt on Monday, in which Trump had protesters cleared from Lafayette Park, a public area in front of the White House, so that he could be photographed outside a church that had been partially burned the previous day.

    In his statement on Wednesday evening, Mattis said: “Donald Trump is the first president in my lifetime who does not try to unite the American people – does not even pretend to try. Instead he tries to divide us. We are witnessing the consequences of three years of this deliberate effort. We are witnessing the consequences of three years without mature leadership.”

    The former defence secretary added: “We know that we are better than the abuse of executive authority that we witnessed in Lafayette Park. We must reject and hold accountable those in office who would make a mockery of our constitution.”

    Mattis recalled the distinction between US forces and the Nazis fighting on the Normandy beaches in 1944. The Nazi slogan was “Divide and conquer” while the American response was “In union there is strength”. . .

    Any attempt to use active-duty troops, as opposed to the national guard which has already been widely deployed, threatens to split the US military, which is one of the country’s most diverse institutions.

    Mattis reflected what is reported to be a widely held view in the armed services, in arguing the protesters were standing up for the constitutional principle of equality under the law, and should be universally supported.

    “We must not be distracted by a small number of lawbreakers,” he said. “The protests are defined by tens of thousands of people of conscience who are insisting that we live up to our values.

    “When I joined the military, some 50 years ago, I swore an oath to support and defend the constitution,” Mattis wrote. “Never did I dream that troops taking that same oath would be ordered under any circumstance to violate the constitutional rights of their fellow citizens – much less to provide a bizarre photo op for the elected commander-in-chief, with military leadership standing alongside.

    “Militarising our response, as we witnessed in Washington DC, sets up a conflict – a false conflict – between the military and civilian society,” he added.

    Mattis’s statement comes a day after a former chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, Mike Mullen, expressed his own renunciation of the handling of the protests, reflecting deep unease among many serving officers.

    Mullen said he was “sickened” by the photo op at the church.

    “Too many foreign and domestic policy choices have become militarised; too many military missions have become politicised,” Mullen wrote, also in the Atlantic. “This is not the time for stunts. This is the time for leadership.”

    Initially Trump appeared to have the support of the Defense Secretary and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, who accompanied him on his visit to St. John’s Episcopal Church. Both of them have since backpedalled; but their initial compliance with Trump's autocratic action is an ill omen of the future:

    Perils for Pentagon as Trump threatens to militarize response to civil unrest

    “Battlespace” was the word Defense Secretary Mark Esper used to describe protest sites in the United States. The top U.S. general reinforced that image by appearing in downtown Washington in camouflage during a Monday evening crackdown.

    Helicopters that could easily be mistaken for active duty U.S. military ones staged show-of-force maneuvers in Washington above people protesting the killing of George Floyd, an unarmed black man, at the hands of a white police officer in Minneapolis.

    As President Donald Trump increasingly turns to militaristic rhetoric at a time of national upheaval, the U.S. military appears to be playing a supporting role -  alarming current and former officials who see danger to the U.S. armed forces, one of America’s most revered and well funded institutions.

    “America is not a battleground. Our fellow citizens are not the enemy,” Martin Dempsey, the retired four-star general who served as chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, wrote on Twitter.

    A current military official, speaking on condition of anonymity, voiced concern about the lasting damage that would come from using the military as a “political prop.” . . .

    For Trump’s critics, the Republican president’s reliance on the military in domestic endeavors risks making the armed forces, which are meant to be apolitical, appear aligned with Trump’s political agenda. He has previously employed the military to help stem illegal immigration and used defense funding to build his border wall.

    But drawing the military into his response (here) to the sometimes violent civil unrest that broke out in Minneapolis last week and spread to dozens of cities, is particularly problematic.

    At the core of the discomfort is a single idea: The military was designed to protect the United States from foreign adversaries and uphold a constitution that explicitly protects the rights of citizens to protest peacefully.

    Even the head of the National Guard acknowledged that responding to domestic crises makes his troops uneasy. So far, more than 20,000 National Guard members have been called up to assist local law enforcement with protests around the country. . .

    Esper and General Mark Milley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, accompanied Trump on Monday as he posed at a church near the White House while holding a Bible after law enforcement officers used teargas and rubber bullets to clear the area of peaceful protesters.

    Trump had just delivered a speech condemning “acts of domestic terror” and saying the United States was in the grips of professional anarchists, violent mobs, arsonists, looters, criminals and others. . .

    James Miller, a former Pentagon official who sits on the Defense Science Board, said he was resigning from the board after seeing the peaceful protesters being cleared by tear gas and rubber bullets before a curfew on Monday and Esper’s accompanying Trump to the church.

    “You may not have been able to stop President Trump from directing this appalling use of force, but you could have chosen to oppose it,” Miller said in his letter of resignation, which he published in the Washington Post.

    Kori Schake, of the conservative American Enterprise Institute and an expert on U.S. civilian-military relations, said Esper and Milley need to be held to account for their “shocking” decision to appear in that setting.

    “They made choices. They could have said, Mr. President, I think it would send a bad signal for me to do this,” Schake said.

    Alice Friend, a former Pentagon official, said Esper and Milley, by using terms like battlespace, were blurring the lines between American citizens in the United States and enemies in war zones. . .

    Trump on Monday threatened to send active duty U.S. troops to stamp out the civil unrest gripping several cities. . .

    The top Republican on the House of Representatives Armed Services Committee, Mac Thornberry, said discussions about the Insurrection Act could easily make U.S. troops “political pawns.”

    His Democratic counterpart and chair of the committee, Adam Smith, said he called on Esper and Milley to testify.

    “I remain gravely concerned about President Trump’s seemingly autocratic rule and how it affects the judgment of our military leadership,” Smith said.

    “The fate of our democracy depends on how we navigate this time of crisis.” (Underscored emphasis added.)

    Not surprisingly, Attorney-General William Barr supports the use of military forces to suppress the nationwide protests:

    America's top cop is a rightwing culture warrior who hates disorder. What could go wrong?

    William Barr forged his worldview fighting protesters in the 1960s. Now he’s masterminding the US government’s crackdown on unrest

    Maybe the 1960s never ended. Police, protesters and rioters once again fill our rage-filled streets and television screens. Amid a pandemic that has already claimed over 100,000 lives, a cultural divide that burst into flames more than a half-century ago is back – and burning furiously.

    Earlier this week, Donald Trump seemed to morph into Richard Nixon, America’s self-proclaimed “law and order” president who resigned in disgrace. The cameras rolled as a Bible-brandishing president threatened to send US troops into America’s cities. As Trump stood in front of an Episcopal church near the White House, teargas canisters and flash-bang grenades exploded nearby.

    In his inaugural address in 2017, Trump vowed to restore what he characterized as American greatness, strength, and safety. In William Barr, the US attorney general, Trump has a powerful and determined partner. It was Barr who personally ordered military police to clear peaceful protesters from around the White House, and Barr who is reportedly advocating an intense “flood the zone” show of authority. “The president sees Barr as the ‘bad cop’ he can unleash if states and cities don’t get their act together,” an administration official told the Daily Beast.

    Both men aim to turn back the clock to a time when everyone “knew their place”. But where Trump has been a bumbling, self-interested and ideologically erratic leader – a weak man’s strongman – Barr is smart, dedicated and disciplined. He understands how to wield power and holds a consistent worldview. He’s an aggressive advocate for executive power and the police – who happens to be America’s top law enforcement officer at the same time as unrest roils the country.

    “Barr is vastly more intelligent than Donald Trump,” Stuart Gerson, a former colleague of Barr’s, recently told the New York Times Magazine. “What Trump gives Bill Barr is a canvas upon which to paint. Bill has longstanding views about how society should be organized, which can now be manifested and acted upon to a degree that they never could have before.” . . .

    In the New York Times, Gerson, Barr’s former justice department colleague, characterized Barr as “hierarchical” and “authoritarian” in outlook, committed to the premise that “a top-down ordering of society will produce a more moral society”.

    In speeches, Barr, a traditionalist Catholic, has railed against “militant secularists”, who seek “to mitigate the social costs of personal misconduct and irresponsibility”.

    That Bill Barr is a culture warrior on a mission is widely documented. Consider the significance of this in light of his identification of the enemy to be vanquished. The following is a brilliant essay which analyzes Barr's world view and brings into focus the terminal malady now facing the nation. For full comprehension a reading of the entire article is recommended:

    Bill Barr’s Invisible Crusade with headlined satiric portrait of Bill Barr, Grand Inquisitor

    Trump’s attorney general sees himself as a grand cultural inquisitor.

    . . .

    When nationwide protests and unrest broke out after George Floyd’s killing by Minneapolis police officers, Barr led the charge to suppress them in Washington. He ordered federal police to remove peaceful demonstrators by force from a park in front of the White House, shortly before Trump walked across it for a photo op at a nearby church. Armed men in unmarked riot gear soon appeared on D.C. streets, refusing to identify themselves to reporters. The Bureau of Prisons later confirmed that some of them were members of its riot-control teams. And while Barr blamed antifa for “instigating and participating in the violent activity,” FBI intelligence reports found no evidence that they were responsible. . .

    Barr makes no secret of this worldview. Last October, he delivered a high-profile address on the subject to an audience of students and faculty at the University of Notre Dame’s law school. Such appearances are common for prominent federal officials—but Barr wasn’t talking about the main challenges of his job, or the finer points of the separation of powers in the daily business of the Trump administration. Instead, like a prophet emerging from the wilderness, he delivered an indictment of modern America’s approach to religion.

    “This is not decay; it is organized destruction,” he warned in a toneless voice at odds with the substance of his preachments. “Secularists, and their allies among the ‘progressives,’ have marshaled all the force of mass communications, popular culture, the entertainment industry, and academia in an unremitting assault on religion and traditional values. These instruments are used not only to affirmatively promote secular orthodoxy, but also drown out and silence opposing voices, and to attack viciously and hold up to ridicule any dissenters.” . . .

    Tellingly, Barr only circled back to the question of the proper aims of federal law enforcement as an extension of this broader culture-war crusade. “Finally, as lawyers, we should be particularly active in the struggle that is being waged against religion on the legal plane,” he said. “We must be vigilant to resist efforts by the forces of secularization to drive religious viewpoints from the public square and to impinge upon the free exercise of our faith.” Barr pledged that as long as he was attorney general, the Justice Department “will be at the forefront of this effort, ready to fight for the most cherished of our liberties: the freedom to live according to our faith.”

    Barr’s career fuses two of the most powerful movements on the American right. Like many in the conservative legal movement, he reads the Constitution as a fixed document whose meaning cannot stray far from what the Framers set down in Philadelphia in 1787. But he also draws upon a traditionalist strain in the Catholic faith that rejects any distinction between spiritual life and public life. “We are being pushed steadily off the battlefield, or have been for the last few decades,” he wrote in a 1995 article for The Catholic Lawyer. “Occasionally, we are jabbing back and poking back as we backpedal off the field. What is our larger strategy for preserving the Church and seeing it prevail? How will we get back on the battlefield? How are we going to see the Church transform the world for the better?. . .

    He rejected legislative attempts to shield officials from being fired by the president, require regular updates on internal agency deliberations, and mandate that members of some commissions be chosen by congressional leaders. Barr even argued in one part that it would be unconstitutional for Congress to prohibit the executive branch from “soliciting funds or material assistance from foreign governments (including any instrumentality or agency thereof), foreign persons, or United States persons” so long as it could be justified as “furthering any military, foreign policy, or intelligence activity” whatsoever. “No limitations on the President’s authority to discuss certain issues with foreign governments, or to recommend or concur in courses of action taken by other nations, should be sanctioned,” Barr instructed.

    It’s worth pausing to note just how radically American government would be transformed if this vision of untrammeled executive power were to take hold. Congress could no longer prohibit members of a single party from dominating the Federal Election Commission. The 9/11 Commission would have had no power to compel testimony or documents unless George W. Bush had appointed each of its members. The Federal Reserve’s Board of Governors would fear dismissal unless they manipulated monetary policy to suit a president’s whims in an election year. The Iran-Contra affair under Reagan and the Ukraine scandal under Trump would be deemed unambiguously lawful. . .

    Along the way, Barr has articulated a paternalistic and sectarian vision for the American political and constitutional order. It would be unfair to describe him as a monarchist, or a fascist, or a theocrat. But he has developed a distinctly counter-democratic civic theology of sorts, drawing upon his own traditionalist Catholic faith and his unusual reading of the Constitution. Having raided the armory of classical liberalism for rhetorical weapons, Barr now stands ready to impose his worldview upon the nation.

    In a February speech to the National Religious Broadcasters’ annual convention, Barr framed the turbulence of modern American politics as a binary clash between “two fundamentally different visions of the individual and his relationship to the state.” One of those visions is liberal democracy, which “limits government and gives priority to preserving personal liberty,” he explained. “In the ancient Greek tradition, the state was a positive moral agency whose purpose was to define for men what was good and make them so,” Barr said. “Augustinian Christianity sharply departed from that conception. It saw the state as a necessary evil, with the limited function of keeping the peace here on earth.”
    Barr’s invocation of Saint Augustine carried a particular rhetorical meaning for his audience. The fifth-century North African theologian lived and wrote as the western half of the Roman Empire entered its terminal phase. Some citizens in the Mediterranean world blamed the rise of Christianity—and the concurrent abandonment of traditional Roman religious practices—for hastening the empire’s collapse. Augustine wrote The City of God to defend the Christian faith from its pagan attackers
    . . .

    One key plank of the Barr doctrine is the notion that American conservatism in its Reaganite guise is the guiding model for governing American life. Any proposed policy deviations from it—a more lenient approach toward criminal sentencing, say, or any measure to expand the social welfare state—are inconsistent with Barr’s version of Christian morality. In this rigid scheme of intellectual conflict, deeper ideological differences are not only wrong as a matter of policy and morality; they also pose a fundamental threat to Americans’ liberties and freedoms as Barr understands them.

    Such efforts to safeguard against the threat of “totalitarian” democracy might come across as, well, undemocratic. But since spiritual affiliations precede democratic obligations in Barr’s legal theology, the highest civic priority is not so much to expand the reach of democratic self-rule as to guard vigilantly against secular misrule. If the people decide to adopt a policy agenda that does not comport with his worldview, it’s because they’ve been seduced away from the righteous path. . .

    At Notre Dame, Barr also asserted that only members of the Christian faith possess the moral rectitude for American democracy. When the Founders referred to America’s experiment in self-government, Barr explained, they were describing “the capacity of each individual to restrain and govern themselves,” not elections or legislatures. “In short, in the Framers’ view, free government was only suitable and sustainable for a religious people—a people who recognized that there was a transcendent moral order antecedent to both the state and man-made law and who had the discipline to control themselves according to those enduring principles,” he argued.  (Underscored emphasis added.)

    The author states that "It would be unfair to describe him as a monarchist, or a fascist, or a theocrat." However it may be fair to describe Bill Barr, there can be no doubt about his Roman Catholic orthodoxy.

    EVILS OF LUST FOR DOMINATING POWER

    Pope Francis and the USCCB published statements denouncing racism and expressing understanding of the George Floyd demonstrations and unrest (Pope Francis Prays For George Floyd, Decries 'The Sin Of Racism'; Statement of U.S. Bishops’ President on George Floyd and the Protests in American Cities.) By contrast, the actions of Donald Trump co-ordinated by Bill Barr were applauded by the Religious Right Evangelicals, (with only the apparent exception of Pat Robertson):

    Trump faith advisers say the president did the right thing by visiting church

    Informal evangelical Christian advisers to President Donald Trump have long championed religious freedom as a key issue that should be embraced by the administration, often arguing passionately against government infringement on religious activities.

    That’s why some have framed the president’s recent (June 1) photo-op in front of St. John’s Episcopal Church, in which he held aloft a Bible for cameras, as an expression of support for religious freedom.

    “(Trump) walked FOR the protection of the right of peaceful protest,” Johnnie Moore, who helped organize the Trump campaign’s evangelical advisory board in 2016 and now serves as a commissioner for the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom, said in an email to Religion News Service. “He walked AGAINST the violent anarchists and looters who were disrupting those peaceful protests and dishonoring the memory of George Floyd.”

    Other evangelical supporters of the president such as Franklin Graham and Texas pastor Robert Jeffress have also praised Trump’s walk to St. John’s, calling it an “important statement” and “absolutely correct.”

    Moore and others have less to say about what happened before the president’s visit to the church — when police working with the federal government forced hundreds of demonstrators away from Lafayette Square and expelled clergy from church property.

    An Episcopal priest and a seminarian say they were passing out water to demonstrators from the grounds of St. John’s as part of an effort organized by the Episcopal Diocese of Washington when they were forced off church grounds as law enforcement broke up the protest. They said police used shields and pepper-based irritants — which the CDC says are also referred to as tear gas — that left them coughing and tending to swollen, red, tear-stained eyes. . .

    Trump administration officials have offered conflicting accounts as to why Lafayette Square was cleared. Initial reports from the White House alleged the expulsion was to enforce a 7 p.m. curfew in Washington, but Barr later claimed that the operation was part of an existing plan to expand the security perimeter around the White House and alleged that there were violent protesters. The attorney general also insisted that there was “no correlation” between Trump’s visit to the church and the decision to clear the park and defiantly claimed officials did not use tear gas. . .

    Ralph Reed, the founder of the Faith and Freedom Coalition who describes himself as a friend of Trump, dismissed the idea that expelling clergy from church property is a religious freedom issue.

    “Under normal circumstances, I do not favor law enforcement asking clergy to leave a house of worship,” he said in an email. “In this case an historic church had been targeted by rioters for arson and destruction the previous night, and the DC Metropolitan Police were clearing a security perimeter in an area where there had been ongoing violence. There is nothing unusual about individuals being asked to leave a secure area.” . . .

    Requests for comment extended to Family Research Council President Tony Perkins, Liberty University President Jerry Falwell Jr. and pastors Jeffress, Jack Graham and Jentezen Franklin were not returned. A spokesperson for Franklin Graham said the pastor and stalwart Trump supporter was traveling and unable to respond. (Underscored emphasis added.)

    The Christians Who Loved Trump’s Stunt

    The president’s photo op outside St. John’s Church was emblematic of his appeal to the religious right.

    He wielded the Bible like a foreign object, awkwardly adjusting his grip as though trying to get comfortable. He examined its cover. He held it up over his right shoulder like a crossing guard presenting a stop sign. He did not open it.

    “Is that your Bible?” a reporter asked.

    “It’s a Bible,” the president replied.

    Even by the standards of Donald Trump’s religious photo ops, the dissonance was striking. Moments earlier, he had stood in the Rose Garden and threatened to unleash the military on unruly protesters. He used terms such as anarchy and domestic terror, and vowed to “dominate the streets.” To clear the way for his planned post-speech trip to St. John’s Church, police fired tear gas and rubber bullets into a crowd of peaceful demonstrators.

    A few hours after the dystopian spectacle, I spoke on the phone with Robert Jeffress, a Dallas megachurch pastor and indefatigable Trump ally. He sounded almost gleeful.

    “I thought it was completely appropriate for the president to stand in front of that church,” Jeffress told me. “And by holding up the Bible, he was showing us that it teaches that, yes, God hates racism, it’s despicable—but God also hates lawlessness.

    “So,” he added, “I’m happy.”

    In many ways, the president’s stunt last night—with its mix of shallow credal signaling and brutish force—was emblematic of his appeal to the religious right. As I’ve written before, most white conservative Christians don’t want piety from this president; they want power. In Trump, they see a champion who will restore them to their rightful place at the center of American life, while using his terrible swift sword to punish their enemies.

    This dynamic was on vivid display throughout the night. Even as cities across the country once again spiraled into chaos, prominent conservative evangelicals cheered Trump’s performance on Twitter.

    “I don’t know about you but I’ll take a president with a Bible in his hand in front of a church over far left violent radicals setting a church on fire any day of the week,” wrote David Brody, a news anchor at the Christian Broadcasting Network. . .

    “I will never forget seeing [Trump] slowly & in-total-command walk … across Lafayette Square to St. John’s Church defying those who aim to derail our national healing by spreading fear, hate & anarchy,” wrote Johnnie Moore, the president of the Congress of Christian Leaders.

    In an email to me, Ralph Reed, the chairman of the Faith and Freedom Coalition, heaped praise on Trump for his visit: “His presence sent the twin message that our streets and cities do not belong to rioters and domestic terrorists, and that the ultimate answer to what ails our country can be found in the repentance, redemption, and forgiveness of the Christian faith.”

    Andrew Whitehead, a sociologist at Clemson University, has argued that Trump’s religious base can best be understood through the lens of Christian nationalism. In his research, Whitehead has found that white Protestants who believe most strongly that Christianity should hold a privileged place in America’s public square are more likely than others to agree with statements such as “We must crack down on troublemakers to save our moral standards and keep law and order” and “Police officers shoot blacks more often because they are more violent than whites.”

    Whitehead told me in an interview that Christian nationalism is often not really about theology (and thus can’t be ascribed to all conservative churchgoers): “It’s about identity, enforcing hierarchy, and order.”

    That Trump’s religious posturing has little to do with religion has long been a matter of conventional wisdom (see: Corinthians, Two); fewer have grasped the extent to which that’s true of Trump’s “religious” base as well. . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

    Author McKay Coppins associates the personalities named in his report with "Christian nationalism." He identifies what motivates them: It’s about identity, enforcing hierarchy, and order.” The term "Christian nationalism" is interchangeable with "Dominionism." It is a vicious, deceptive movement masquerading as a harmless restoration of true Christianity, and it is at or near the pinnacle of its power:

    How Christian Nationalism Moved from the Fringe to the White House

    Katherine Stewart’s The Power Worshippers exposes the Christian right’s attempts to revise history and create an American theocracy.

    The movement’s zealots—including First Baptist Church of Dallas pastor and Trump insider Robert Jeffress—insist, despite history, that the United States was founded as a Christian nation. Going further, they claim the country has fallen and must realign with their fundamentalist version of the faith to thrive again. They dismiss the principle of church-state separation as secular oppression and assert that God wants them to have dominion (another name for the movement is dominionism) over every aspect of culture, society, and government. They would use that power to infuse governance with their theology; bias the courts to solidify their privilege; enforce patriarchal, heteronormative gender and sexual ideology; promote creationism and otherwise denigrate science; eradicate the public school system; and end abortion.

    Stewart’s chapter on the history of Christian nationalism is particularly well done, revealing the unsavory past of a movement that presents itself as morally superior. She traces the current Christian right’s origins from reactionary, 19th century pro-slavery theologians to modern incarnations such as R.J. Rushdoony, the creator of a version of religious nationalism he called Christian Reconstruction. Rushdoony’s message influenced presidential candidate Ronald Reagan’s 1980 address to religious activists in Dallas, a milestone in his campaign. Months later, Stewart reports, Rushdoony visited Reagan in the White House to lobby for churches to remain tax exempt even when they operated whites-only private schools. . .

    The Christian nationalist political machine is so influential, and its adherents so impassioned, that its rise can seem inevitable.

    The following article focuses on the dominance of Christian Dominionism in the contemporary Republican Party:

    God and government: Christian Dominionism and the GOP (April 10,2015.)

    As a nation, our attention has been captured by the ominous threat of ISIS extremism and its vicious enforcement of Islamic Sharia law. Meanwhile, few have taken notice of the stealth movement of Christian Dominionism, or Christian Reconstructionism, taking root inside the Republican Party.

    In simple terms, Dominionism proposes that Christians have the God-given right to rule all earthly institutions. In other words, Christian Sharia law. Originating among some of America’s most radical theocrats, like Rousas John Rushdoony, Gary North and David Chilton, it has long had an influence on the Religious Right’s education and political organizing.

    It is not surprising that Ted Cruz, a prime example of Dominionism, chose to announce his run for the presidency of the United States at Jerry Falwell’s Liberty University. Cruz’s father says his son will bring the world to the “end of times” and was born to this purpose.

    The goals of Dominionism are reducing the federal government in size and power, having churches assume responsibility for welfare and education and having the U.S. Constitution conform to biblical law. Specifically, Dominionism says:

    ▪ The use of the death penalty should be greatly expanded to include adultery, blasphemy, heresy, homosexual behavior, idolatry, prostitution and to those who perform abortions.

    ▪ The only valid legislation, social theory, spiritual beliefs and economic theories should be derived from the Bible.

    ▪ Income taxes should be eliminated. (No Internal Revenue Service!)

    How have such radical religious concepts been able to impact the fringes of the Republican Party and find some degree of acceptance within the core of the GOP?

    In the 1970s, the Republican political strategist Paul Weyrich founded the Heritage Foundation and used it to begin the process of targeting conservative Christian churches to engage them with the Republican Party.

    In 1979, Weyrich coined the term Moral Majority, which was championed by the television evangelist Jerry Falwell, who was successful in rallying millions of voters for the Republican cause.

    In August 1980 in Dallas, Texas, Weyrich said, “We are now talking about Christianizing America in a political context.

    Following the demise of the Moral Majority, the 1990s witnessed the birth of the Christian Coalition of America, led by Christian evangelist Pat Robertson. During the 2000 presidential campaign of George W. Bush, called God’s man for America by some, the Christian Coalition of America distributed 70 million voter guides to conservative churches throughout the United States. All this was accomplished under the leadership of executive director Ralph Reed. . .

    Today within the Republican Party, there are those who seek to distort the true meaning of the separation of church and state as an effort to secularize our nation. Calls for declaring the United States a Christian nation and making Christianity the official religion of America are moving forward at the state and national levels. (Underscored emphasis added.)

    Here we enter into a labyrinth of secrecy, intrigue, and conspiracy, which exposes hypocrisy and crocodile tears on the part of all involved in the drive for theocracy, from Pat Robertson to the Vatican. The name Ralph Reed stands out in this context.

    The following article reveals volumes about Reed, including two statements to the news media in which he confessed to the stealth tactics of the Christian Coalition:

    A Decade of Reed

    Read press accounts from the Coalition's early history, and you find that, when he spoke to the press, Reed would use the same language he had used a decade earlier at College Republicans. In 1991, in a quote that has been hung around his neck ever since, he bragged to Norfolk's Virginian-Pilot: "I want to be invisible. I do guerrilla warfare. I paint my face and travel at night. You don't know it's over until you're in a body bag." In 1992 he told the Los Angeles Times: "It's like guerrilla warfare. If you reveal your location, all it does is allow your opponent to improve his artillery bearings. It's better to move quietly, with stealth, under cover of night." . . .

    Reed used the collection of tools he had learned organizing students in the 1980s to build a home in the Republican party for religious conservatives. The party, and American politics, were changed irrevocably. Though the Coalition's membership reached its high point in 1996, the group's political apogee came, of course, in 1994, with the election of the Republican congressional majority. (Underscored emphasis added.)

    Reed's language of military stealth and aggressive conquest betrayed the true nature of the Christian Coalition's agenda. This was just a continuation of the plan of aggression and conquest by the Christian Supremacist movement that was born before the Coalition was conceived. Among a number of sources of the facts, details were published in the writings of Katherine Yurica. Her online publication titled the Yurica Report no longer exists; but her stature and the value of her research can be estimated by a Google search of her name. Facts exposed by the Yurica Report are quoted in several articles on this website, one of which is US SUPREME COURT CONTINUES CHIPPING AWAY AT SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE. Some of the sinister details of the Christian Supremacists' plan of action are revealed at the bookmark "In the same essay, under the section heading . . ." The following is a sampling of the frightening details of the secretive, satanic plan:

    The years 1982-1986 marked the period Pat Robertson and radio and televangelists urgently broadcast appeals that rallied Christian followers to accept a new political religion that would turn millions of Christians into an army of political operatives. It was the period when the militant church raised itself from centuries of sleep and once again eyed power. . .

    It was and is a political scheme to take over the government of the United States and then turn that government into an aggressor nation that will forcibly establish the United States as the ruling empire of the twenty-first century. It is subversive, seditious, secretive, and dangerous. . .

    Journalist Frederick Clarkson, who has written extensively on the subject, warned in 1994 that Dominionism “seeks to replace democracy with a theocratic elite that would govern by imposing their interpretation of ‘Biblical Law.’” He described the ulterior motive of Dominionism is to eliminate “…labor unions, civil rights laws, and public schools.” Clarkson then describes the creation of new classes of citizens:

    “Women would be generally relegated to hearth and home. Insufficiently Christian men would be denied citizenship, perhaps executed. So severe is this theocracy that it would extend capital punishment [to] blasphemy, heresy, adultery, and homosexuality.”

    Today, Dominionists hide their agenda and have resorted to stealth; one investigator who has engaged in internet exchanges with people who identify themselves as religious conservatives said, “They cut and run if I mention the word ‘Dominionism.’” Joan Bokaer, the Director of Theocracy Watch, a project of the Center for Religion, Ethics and Social Policy at Cornell University wrote, “In March 1986, I was on a speaking tour in Iowa and received a copy of the following memo [Pat] Robertson had distributed to the Iowa Republican County Caucus titled, “How to Participate in a Political Party.” It read:

    “Rule the world for God.

    “Give the impression that you are there to work for the party, not push an ideology.

    “Hide your strength.

    “Don’t flaunt your Christianity.

    “Christians need to take leadership positions. Party officers control political parties and so it is very important that mature Christians have a majority of leadership positions whenever possible, God willing.”

    Dominionists have gained extensive control of the Republican Party and the apparatus of government throughout the United States; they continue to operate secretly. Their agenda to undermine all government social programs that assist the poor, the sick, and the elderly is ingeniously disguised under false labels that confuse voters. Nevertheless, as we shall see, Dominionism maintains the necessity of laissez-faire economics, requiring that people “look to God and not to government for help.” . . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

    The last sentence above will be recognized as Subsidiarity, a central principle of the Roman Catholic Social Doctrine. Here the labyrinthine nature of the Christian Supremacist agenda comes into focus. Why is Subsidiarity a part of what appears on the surface to be exclusively an extremist Protestant Evangelical movement?

    The Vatican has in effect acknowledged the fact that Dominionism is embraced by a coalition of Catholics and Protestants in the process of stating a case against "fundamentalism." Note that the following report is in a Roman Catholic publication, hence the criticism that the article in the Jesuit magazine does not say enough about "religious liberty":

    Vatican speaks out against fundamentalism, again

    The Vatican continues to make its case against Christian and Catholic fundamentalism. La Civiltà Cattolica, a Jesuit magazine with ties to the Vatican, published a lengthy article on the genesis and effects of fundamentalism in the United States. One of the article's co-authors, Jesuit Fr. Antonio Spadaro, is a close confidant of Pope Francis.

    Spadaro provides some of the historical development of fundamentalism in this country going back to the early 1900s. More importantly, he describes some of the effects of what has become the religious right in our country, and how it has influenced Presidents Reagan, Bush and now Trump.

    First of all, there is the focus on the last book of the Bible, Revelation. If one sees the end of the world as one of the most compelling tenets of our faith, it changes in a dramatic fashion how one views the world. War and major weather disturbances (climate change) are signs that the end is coming soon. Even the creation of conflict can be seen as a positive effort to help bring about the last days. . .

    Additionally, there is the notion of dominionism. The book of Genesis grants man dominion over creation. Public norms are to be subjected to religious morals. The article notes that there is little difference between some of Christian fundamentalism and Islamic fundamentalism. The goal for Christian fundamentalists is to create a theocracy where the state submits to the Bible.

    Although the article does not say enough about religious freedom in my estimation, it does say we must avoid a defense of the notion of total freedom, which appears to be a direct challenge to the secularity of the state. It becomes easier to see why fundamentalist Christians believe their freedom of religion is threatened when others who disagree also possess freedom. They see their position as true and therefore others who believe differently have no rights. Many Catholic Bishops in the United States seem to hold a similar position.

    Finally, Spadaro speaks of how the religious right and conservative Catholics have formed a united front on issues they hold in common. These issues include abortion, same-sex marriage and other matters considered moral or tied to values. Their strange ecumenism, as Spadaro calls it, leads to a xenophobia and Islamophobia that tends to promote hate, deportations and the building of walls rather than bridges.

    The fundamentalist plan is to set up a kingdom of the divine here on earth. While those Protestants and Catholics who embrace this concept may differ on how they understand it, they both subscribe to an ideology of conquest. They see the recent election as a spiritual war in which divine intervention may have been involved.

    Some who reject Spadaro's thesis say he speaks about people who don't exist. No known Catholic holds all of these specific views. Of course, every individual has their own set of beliefs, but such an argument misses the point of Spadaro's analysis. He is speaking about forces at work that have led to certain joint efforts. Republicans and the religious right are working together to achieve certain ideological goals that coincide with their religious beliefs. Catholics have been working with the religious right to achieve certain common moral objectives. (Underscored emphasis added.)

    The sentence "Many Catholic Bishops in the United States seem to hold a similar position," is a blatant attempt at "plausible deniability," designed to separate the Vatican from the American Bishops. However, the position of Roman Catholics, enshrined in dogma, is precisely the same: they believe that "their freedom of religion is threatened when others who disagree also possess freedom." Moreover, the report admits that the subject magazine article "does say we must avoid a defense of the notion of total freedom." The term "total freedom" is demonstrably not a reference to unlawful license, but to the freedoms of liberal democracy that we hold dear.

    This article exposes the complicated relationship between the Church of Rome and Dominionism. She does not agree with all of its principles and objectives; but there is nevertheless a commonality of purpose. Her Bishops in America and their lay activists not only find themselves in harmony with the goal of Christian supremacy - they have fostered it by their alliance with the extremist Evangelicals and the takeover of the Republican Party. It is an unholy alliance.

    It is an unholy alliance above all because of the religio-political choice of allegiance to the "lawless one," and the rejection of the Truth of God. Their lust for power and intent to coerce and persecute when it is attained reveals the spirit of the dragon which gave the "lawless one" "his power, and his seat, and great authority."

    In human terms, although exhibiting the "strong delusion" of 2 Thess. 2:11-12, the words and actions of this alliance also reveal conscious hypocrisy. As a result of the George Floyd demonstrations, there were condemnations of racism:-

    By Pope Francis and the USCCB;

    By Pat Robertson:

    "Robertson also spoke out about racism, saying "we are one" and "God made us all."
    "We've got to love each other, we just got to do that," Robertson said. "We are all one race, and we need to love each other." ('You just don't do that, Mr. President')" (Televangelist Pat Robertson condemns Trump's 'law and order' response to protests)

    By Robert Jeffress, strong supporter of Donald Trump.

    All belie the fact that the Roman Catholic-Evangelical alliance was sealed by a compact to preserve racism.

    Research by a sociologist at Clemson University identified racism with Christian nationalism. History has borne this out.

    The lust for power is evil. That evil begets evil is a truism - a self-evident truth. Roman Catholicism and extremist Evangelicalism are a combination of evil, and nothing but the evils of lawlessness and cruelty can follow from it. The combination has targeted the Constitution and settled laws of the United States of America for destruction. Revelation 13 predicted their success for a season. We see it happening before our very eyes, and the worst is yet to come; but those who refuse to accept the Mark of the Beast are promised escape from the judgment of God which will follow.

     


 

HISTORIC ROMAN CATHOLIC ANTAGONISM TOWARDS LIBERALISM

The historical record reveals that what the Church of Rome is (Dan. 7:1-8 & 11-12; Thess. 2:3-9; Rev. 13:1-4,) she accuses liberalism of being (demonic.) For what Rome has accomplished (degradation of the morals of the nations by destroying faith in the Bible,) she has attributed to liberalism. Astonishingly, she includes the Protestant Reformation in her diatribes against liberalism. From Rome's own declarations it is clear that for her own survival, and above all to achieve her objective of world domination liberalism, and Protestantism by association in Rome's terminology, must be destroyed:-

Catholic Social Teaching 101: What is Liberalism and What does the Church really say about it?

Leo XIII takes up the mantle of his predecessors

To begin, we must admit that the collision between liberalism and Catholic Social Teaching is present in the very founding document of the latter, which is generally taken to be Pope Leo XIII’s Rerum Novarum of 1891. If we meant to study Liberalism more completely, we’d have to go back even further to Popes Gregory XVI (Mirari Vos, 1832) and Pius IX (Quanta Cura, 1864). However, for the sake of brevity and in accordance with the plan of this work, which centers on the corpus of CST proper, we will reach back no further than Leo XIII. But precisely because Rerum Novarum is to be our starting point, we must briefly step outside of this document and take a look at the mind of the pontiff that produced it, and see how Leo XIII had been dealing with the problem of liberalism throughout his papacy. At the same time, this requires a few remarks on the nature of liberalism itself.

The three-fold expression of Liberalism

Liberalism appears on three fronts, corresponding to three different spheres of man’s social life: It is religious, political, and economic.

The religious form can be identified most clearly in the principles of the Protestant Reformation, personified by Martin Luther. The consequences of Luther’s religious liberalism were directly addressed by Leo XIII at various points, specifically in his Providentissimus Deus (1893) where he pointed to the proper principles for the study of Holy Scripture and identified the problems created by subjecting it to secular methods of criticism and private judgment.

The political form of liberalism, on the other hand, was condemned by Leo XIII even more thoroughly, through documents such as Diuturnum (1881), Immortale Dei (1885), and Libertas Praestantissimum (1888). It was within these encyclicals that he clearly identified his foes and summarized their errors:

“But many there are who follow in the footsteps of Lucifer, and adopt as their own his rebellious cry, ‘I will not serve’; and consequently substitute for true liberty what is sheer and most foolish license. Such, for instance, are the men belonging to that widely spread and powerful organization, who, usurping the name of liberty, style themselves liberals.” (Libertas, 14)

“…these followers of liberalism deny the existence of any divine authority to which obedience is due, and proclaim that every man is the law to himself; from which arises that ethical system which they style independent morality, and which, under the guise of liberty, exonerates man from any obedience to the commands of God, and substitutes a boundless license. The end of all this it is not difficult to foresee, especially when society is in question. For, when once man is firmly persuaded that he is subject to no one, it follows that the efficient cause of the unity of civil society is not to be sought in any principle external to man, or superior to him, but simply in the free will of individuals; that the authority in the State comes from the people only; and that, just as every man's individual reason is his only rule of life, so the collective reason of the community should be the supreme guide in the management of all public affairs. Hence the doctrine of the supremacy of the greater number, and that all right and all duty reside in the majority. But, from what has been said, it is clear that all this is in contradiction to reason.” (Libertas, 15)

All of this predates the writing of Rerum Novarum, which was itself addressed to the third form of liberalism—the economic. Economic liberalism is analogous to what today we call Capitalism, and centers on the ideology of free markets. This movement can be roughly identified with the person of Adam Smith, thereby completing our “trifecta” of liberal figureheads.

As Leo XIII saw, economic liberalism was simply another application of the principles he had seen carried out in every other area. Acknowledging this context, we can enter into the relationship between liberalism and Catholic Social Teaching, proceeding chronologically through the documents which go to form the main corpus of the latter. . . (Internal ellipsis in original; underscored emphasis added.)

The reader will recognize in the following statement which references Providentissimus Deus, "the proper principles for the study of Holy Scripture and identified the problems created by subjecting it to secular methods of criticism and private judgment," that this is not a reference to the Protestant principles of exegesis of the Bible, nor to Rome's own Higher Criticism. The Pope must have been referring to repudiation of Roman Catholic Magisterium.

Pope Leo's antagonism towards Liberalism targeted "Americanism" in the Catholic Church of America:

THE AMERICANISM HERESY

Leo XIII’s critique [of Americanism] is more substantial than apologists for Americanism care to admit. Much of it, in fact, is pertinent to conditions in American Catholicism today.

One set of condemned ideas concerns ranking natural virtues above supernatural ones, along with a division of virtues into “passive” and “active” that gives preference to the latter as more suited to modern times. The Pope says this fosters “contempt … for the religious life” and the disparagement of religious vows. Here, one might say, is a Victorian anticipation of the crisis that has afflicted religious life in the United States over the last half century.

Turning to the origins of Americanism, Leo XIII says it reflects a desire to attract to the Church “those who dissent.” Central to it, he adds, is the idea that the Church — “relaxing its old severity” — must “show indulgence” to new opinions, including even those that downplay “the doctrines in which the deposit of faith is contained.”

Leo XIII’s reply is that how flexible the Church can and should be is not up to individuals but rests with “the judgment of the Church.” Opposing this orthodox view, he notes, is the modern error that everyone could decide for himself, inasmuch as the Holy Spirit today gives individuals “more and richer gifts than in times past” — no less than “a kind of hidden instinct” in religious matters.

All this and more was the Americanism condemned by the Pope. (Underscored emphasis added.)

As strong as some of the statements made by Leo XIII are, other Roman Catholic publications have expressed themselves in unabashedly violent terms:

A LIBERAL OBJECTION TO ULTRAMONTANE METHODS

The Liberals tell us that our violent methods of warfare against them are not in conformity with the Pope's counsels to moderation and charity. Has he not exhorted Catholic writers to a love of peace and union; to avoid harsh, aggressive and personal polemics? How then can we Ultramontanes reconcile the Holy Father's wishes with our fierce methods? Let us consider the force of the Liberals' objection. To whom does the Holy Father address these repeated admonitions? Always to the Catholic press, to Catholic journalists, to those who are supposed to be worthy of the name. These counsels to moderation and charity, therefore, are always addressed to Catholics, discussing with other Catholics free questions, i.e., not involving established principles of faith and morality, and do not in any sense apply to Catholics waging a mortal combat with the declared enemies of the faith.

There is no doubt that the Pope here makes no allusion to the incessant battles between Catholics and Liberals, for the simple reason that Catholicity is truth and (119) Liberalism heresy, between which there can be no peace, but wear [war? to the death. It is certain by consequence, therefore, that the Pope intends his counsels to apply to our family quarrels, unhappily much too frequent; and that by no means does he seek to forbid us from waging an unrelenting stiff with the eternal enemies of the Church, whose hands, filled with deadly weapons, are ever lifted against the faith and its defenders.

Therefore there can be no contradiction between the doctrine we expound and that of the Briefs and Allocutions of the Holy Father on the subject, provided that logically both apply to the same matter under the same respect, which holds perfectly in this instance. For how can we interpret the words of the Holy Father in any other way? It is a rule of sound exegesis that any passage in Holy Scripture should always be interpreted according to the letter, unless such meaning be in opposition to the context; we can only have recourse to a free or figurative interpretation, when this opposition is obvious. This rule applies also to the interpretation of pontifical documents. How can we suppose the Pope in contradiction with all Catholic tradition from Jesus Christ to our own times? Is it for a (120) moment admissible that the style and method of most of the celebrated Catholic polemists and apologists from St. Paul to St Francis de Sales should be condemned by a stroke of the pen? Clearly not; for if we were to understand the Pope's counsels to moderation and calm, in the sense in which the Liberal conclusion would construe them, we should have to answer evidently yes. Consequently we must conclude that the Holy Father's words are not addressed to Catholics battling with the enemies of Catholicity, but only to Catholics controverting on free questions amongst themselves.

Enmity towards Liberalism was originally a uniquely Roman Catholic phenomenon. The following venomous attack is the work of a Pentecostal minister, and it brings to mind the convergence of interest between the papacy and Pentecostalism. There is here a further convergence with Rev. 16:13-16:

Liberalism: a Demonic Deception & Satanic Takeover in American Thinking

Summary: I am disgusted with large portions of the American political scene, including much that occurs on both sides of the political spectrum. For the record, I am a registered nonaffiliated voter. I have no party identity and haven’t for some years. That said, I see multiple positions currently embraced in American liberalism that defy biblical teachings. And that, not politics, is of the greatest importance to me. I have no interest in dealing with these issues politically. My focus is entirely on examining some of the pillars of American liberal thought from the standpoint of Scripture. That to me is the overriding, governing principle in this discussion. I am not interested in the names of candidates or of political parties. None will be named. My purpose is to examine from a biblical perspective current American liberalism (the term "progressives" has been embraced by many "liberals," although the two are not always identical). The conclusion I have drawn is that much of modern liberalism is based on demonic deception and represents a Satanic takeover of a large portion of present-day American thought.

1 Timothy 4:1 The Spirit clearly says that in later times some will abandon the faith and follow deceiving spirits and things taught by demons.

Revelation 12:9, Amplified Bible …the age-old serpent who is called the devil and Satan, he who continually deceives and seduces the entire inhabited world…

Ephesians 6:12, New Living Translation For we are not fighting against flesh-and-blood enemies, but against evil rulers and authorities of the unseen world, against mighty powers in this dark world, and against evil spirits in the heavenly places.

Our battle is not against flesh-and-blood enemies. Rather, our ultimate opponents are in the unseen world, where Satan and his evil spirits “continually deceive.” The Bible warns prophetically that in these later times there will be many who will “follow deceiving spirits and things taught by demons.” It is many of those devilish teachings that have emerged as pillars of modern liberalism as it is widely practiced in America today. Let’s examine some of those liberal mainstays not from a political perspective, but in the light of God’s Word, the Bible. (Formatting as in the original; underscored emphasis added.)

There follows a list of the evils against which he and his allies battle, and it comes as no surprise that "abortion on demand" tops the list, with some of which undoubtedly there is no biblical reason to disagree. However, it is manifest that the label applied to Liberalism is precisely applicable to the author's Pentecostalism.

In 1943 the Southern Publishing Association published the book Facts of Faith by Christian Edwardson which is of inestimable spiritual value. Edwardson was an Evangelist-Pastor and author of several books including Facts of Faith. Of him The Adventist Heritage Center writes "The last years of his life were spent at Hutchinson, Minnesota, where he engaged in writing and research. His library numbered about 3,000 books . . ." In a Ministry Magazine dated November, 1944, and titled "The Power of an Informed Ministry" Roy Allan Anderson wrote concerning Facts of Faith, "Another excellent compilation is Christian Edwardson's recently published and newly revised volume, Facts of Faith. No worker can afford to be without this book, which represents nearly half a century of research." This recommendation is now relevant for the Seventh-day Adventist laity who believe Jesus Christ's message to Laodicea (Rev. 3:16, 20.) Roy Allan Anderson was one of the leaders in the compromise with the Evangelicals; but on this recommendation he can be trusted. Had the ministry followed his recommendation, and not his example, more of them would have stood up against the Church's backsliding towards Rome. The ministry as a whole now spurn "heavy theology"; but note Ellen G. White's definition of the righteousness of Christ as "pure, unadulterated truth."

The entirety of Facts of Faith is a book "par excellance" on the history of the Christian Church and the malevolent work of the Roman Catholic Church with the objective of eradicating true Christianity from the face of the earth. The closing chapters numbered from 23 to 29 are an exposé of this satanic work in America over a period in excess of a century and dating from the time of Pope Leo XIII, now rapidly culminating in the fulfillment of the prophecies of Rev. 13:11-17. These chapters are essential reading for those who want to understand the strange course of current events in America and Rome's war against liberalism, now also robustly advanced by right-wing Evangelicals.


 

AMERICA SATURATED BY RIGHT-WING PROPAGANDA

INTRODUCTORY FACTS
ROME'S PROPAGANDA PROGRAM TO MAKE AMERICA CATHOLIC
THE FINAL STAGE OF THE PROPAGANDA PROGRAM
ROME TAKES OVER THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

MULTIPLICITY OF RIGHT-WING REPUBLICAN PROGAGANDA OUTLETS
THE GREAT SECOND ADVENT MOVEMENT MESSAGE SABOTAGED IN THE CHURCH

INTRODUCTORY FACTS

The laity Britannica describes propaganda as follows:

Propaganda, dissemination of information—facts, arguments, rumours, half-truths, or lies—to influence public opinion.

Propaganda is the more or less systematic effort to manipulate other people’s beliefs, attitudes, or actions by means of symbols (words, gestures, banners, monuments, music, clothing, insignia, hairstyles, designs on coins and postage stamps, and so forth). Deliberateness and a relatively heavy emphasis on manipulation distinguish propaganda from casual conversation or the free and easy exchange of ideas. Propagandists have a specified goal or set of goals. To achieve these, they deliberately select facts, arguments, and displays of symbols and present them in ways they think will have the most effect. To maximize effect, they may omit or distort pertinent facts or simply lie, and they may try to divert the attention of the reactors (the people they are trying to sway) from everything but their own propaganda. . .

Already from this description we can see that propaganda must be an essential tool of Satan in the great controversy between him and Christ. Ellen G. White has made this statement:

Satan has been working at the wheel, turning it until he has the control of all the human minds who have received the lies with which he deceived Eve and then used her as his agent to entice Adam into sin. Satan has kept up his specious working upon human minds from that day to this.—Manuscript 19, 1894 (1MCP 22.5)

Thus, as man has had a propensity to sin since the fall of Adam, it is obvious that unregenerate humanity would also have a natural inclination to engage in propaganda. Furthermore the papacy, Satan's representative agency on earth, would naturally resort to this brainwashing technique to achieve supreme control of the world. The following publication of the American Historical Association confirms this spiritual reality:

The Story of Propaganda

The fact that wars give rise to intensive propaganda campaigns has made many persons suppose that propaganda is something new and modern. The word itself came into common use in this country as late as 1914, when World War I began. The truth is, however, that propaganda is not new and modern. Nobody would make the mistake of assuming that it is new if, from early times, efforts to mobilize attitudes and opinions had actually been called “propaganda.” The battle for men’s minds is as old as human history. . .

The term “propaganda” apparently first came into common use in Europe as a result of the missionary activities of the Catholic church. In 1622 Pope Gregory XV created in Rome the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith. This was a commission of cardinals charged with spreading the faith and regulating church affairs in heathen lands. A College of Propaganda was set up under Pope Urban VIII to train priests for the missions.

ROME'S PROPAGANDA PROGRAM TO MAKE AMERICA CATHOLIC

In his book titled Facts of Faith, published in 1943, Christian Edwardson documented the following historical facts:

A letter from Rome, dated October 14, 1894, says:

The United States of America, it can be said without exaggeration, are the chief thought of Leo XIII....A few days ago, on receiving an eminent American, Leo XIII said to him: 'But the United States are the future; we think of them incessantly.'...That is why Leo XIII turns all his soul, full of ideality, to what is improperly called his American policy. It should be called his Catholic universal policy." - "Catholic Standard and Times" (Philadelphia), Nov. 3, 1894; quoted in "Protestant Magazine," Oct., 1913, p. 441.

The report of "the third Washington conference" says:

"Our purpose is to make America dominantly Catholic." - "The Mission Movement in America," issued from the Catholic University, Washington, D.C., June, 1909.

"It seems to me that the main support of Protestantism comes from the United States and England....If we put an end to this effort in England and the United States by making these nations predominantly Catholic, we will have removed the chief obstacle to the conversion of the world to the true faith....A vigorous effort in the United States at this time will reduce the opposition to an insignificant condition....In the course of another century, the [Protestant] sects will be a study for the historian and antiquarian along with Arianism." - Extract from a letter in "The Missionary" (Roman Catholic), Washington, D.C.: May, 1910; quoted in "Protestant Magazine," Vol. II, p. 22.

(Underscored emphasis added.)

This Catholic movement has already made such progress in England, that, with a little careful manipulation, its leaders anticipate very little opposition in the future. (See "History of the Romeward Movement in the Church of England," London: 1900, and "The Secret History of the Oxford Movement," London: 1899, both by Walter Walsh; and "The Oxford Movement in America," by Rev. C. E. Walworth, New York: 1895; also "The Jesuits and the British Press," by Michael J. F. McCarthy."

Now the "Catholic Action" is focused on America, not in an antagonistic way, but quietly, in wisely planned, systematically organized, and well directed efforts along numerous lines, so as to gain favor among Protestants, and not to be suspected as propaganda. And, remarkable as it may sound, Protestant leaders and people are totally asleep on the Catholic question, even more so than the Huguenots were in France before the St. Bartholomew's Massacre.

Dr. E. Boyd Barrett, for many years a Jesuit, and still a Roman Catholic, as far as the author knows, has the following to say about the plans of his church:

"In theory, Catholic Action is the work and service of lay Catholics in the cause of religion, under the guidance of the bishops. In practice it is the Catholic group fighting their way to control America." - "Rome Stoops to Conquer," p. 15. New York. 1935.

"The effort, the fight, may be drawn out. It may last for five or ten years. Even if it last for twenty - what is twenty years in the life of Rome? The fight must be fought to a finish - opposition must be worn down if it cannot be swept away. Rome's immortal destiny hangs on the outcome. That destiny overshadows the land. "And in the fight, as she has ever fought when battles were most desperate in the past, Rome will use steel, and gold, and silvery lies. Rome will stoop to conquer." - Id., pp. 266, 267.

In a communication from Vatican City, published in the Saint Paul Pioneer Press, Nov. 4, 1936, we read:

"Pope Pius feels that the United States is the ideal base for Catholicism's great drive....

"The Catholic Movement, Rome's militant organization numbering millions all over the world, will be marshaled direct from Rome by Monsignor Pizzardo - next to Pacelli the Holy See's shrewdest diplomat and politician - instead of by the local bishops as before. The priest's education is to be thoroughly revised and modernized - with special attention to modern propaganda methods. In addition there will be established in each country a central bureau, responsible only to Rome, to combat red agitation with every political weapon available....The church must fight, and at once.

"Coughlin has shown us the way of getting at the modern man. He has embarrassed us by showing and using the political power of the church so openly....We know how to tackle America today, and that is our most important problem at the moment.

"Pacelli is contacting the American cardinals and leading Catholic personalities,...to explain the Vatican's plan for the new crusade....The Catholic political organizations in the large cities, like Tammany Hall, will give the church a good lever. Those contacts are also being carefully inspected by the pope's minister.

"The Vatican itself resembles a general staff headquarters preparing plans and arms for a big offensive. Since the time of the Counter-Reformation, churchmen say, no such extensive reorganization of personnel and propaganda methods has been undertaken. The whole world-wide net of Catholic organizations and sub-organizations is being contacted directly from Rome and cleared for action. The church is to be adjusted to modern political, social, and cultural conditions." - p. 10, col. 3, 4, used by permission.

This article speaks of Eugenio Cardinal Pacelli, then papal secretary of state, coming from the Vatican to effect the above mentioned reorganization. He toured the United States "in a chartered airplane." Christian Science Monitor says: "The visit of a high Roman prelate to the United States on the eve of an election is as unprecedented as it is delicate." - Oct. 2, 1926.

This Catholic plan of conquest was well understood years ago. An illustration in Harper's Weekly of October 1, 1870, pictured the pope pointing to America as "The Promised Land." (Pp. 240-242.)

THE FINAL STAGE OF THE PROPAGANDA PROGRAM

All of the foregoing bring into sharp relief the significance of the propaganda which now saturates the American body politic, as it also focuses attention on the role of the Church of Rome. Since the papacy was conducting a program to effect radical change in a nation with a population numbered in hundreds of millions, the title of the following article underscores its success:

In Propaganda We Trust: America's Terrifying Propaganda Affair

These days, one memory stands out more than most others when it comes to our education. Most of us, when we were kids in school, were forced to read George Orwell's 1984as part of our English Lit education.

In 1984, a tyrannical government uses propaganda to brainwash people. Things that were printed months ago were immediately glossed over or changed by news groups at the behest of the government. At the end of the book, it becomes clear that the world was a dystopia where no one knew what was real anymore.

Little did we know that art would imitate life so quickly. Today, we live in a time when people question news sources, politicians discuss "alternative facts," and the White House no longer admits any wrongdoing despite ample evidence to the contrary. Many people are quite vocal about their support of right-wing policies. They regularly vote against their own interests, attack those who are different from them, and refuse to look at the science-backed facts.

It's easy to hate people who stubbornly refuse to listen to others despite the fact that they are hurting others. However, we can't fault them for their support; they've been brainwashed by a love affair with propaganda—all backed by Uncle Sam himself. . .

Politicians are now attacking press members for reporting unflattering stories—even if they are true. In fact, many of Trump's party have claimed that the media is lying about the stories that they are publishing, even when there's video proof of what's going on.

Everyone laughed when FOX News representatives discussed the importance of listening to "alternative facts," but this isn't a laughing matter in the least bit.

Recent news sources have shown that the White House is now trying to blackmail people into publishing flattering stories about Trump. This is a major example of how a fascist regime uses "gag orders" to keep the truth from being shared.

If you aren't scared yet, you should be. Not being able to see two sides to a story is the quickest way to isolate and brainwash people into committing atrocities. In fact, even Hitler used this tactic in order to seize power from people. . .

The American propaganda mill may have been a long time coming — and it may actually be a conspiracy theory that ended up being true.

The CIA has admitted to using mainstream media as a way to send out disinformation in the past. In fact, representatives even admitted that it's the truth in the 1970s.

Declassified CIA documents also showed that the government has paid off major newspapers and headline makers to boost political figures' public images in the past. The name of this project was Operation Mockingbird, and it's believed it's one of the biggest reasons why politicians had such a strong following in the past.

Ronald Reagan's propaganda machine was even stronger by 1987 when the president was able to create "hot button" issues on demand. At one point, a CIA chief was even credited with the following quote:

"We’ll Know Our Disinformation Program Is Complete When Everything the American Public Believes Is False.” - William Casey

What's amazing about this quote is that most people trusted the government at the time, and thought that the press was free. The CIA openly admits it tampers with the free press. Nowadays, the cracks are beginning to show—and we're starting to wake up.

The information released has only been shown to be the tip of the iceberg. Imagine what's not being released, and how far propaganda has come. Who's to say that anything we see is real anymore? At what point do we realize that we've been fooled and that we can no longer trust anything that's currently being placed in media anymore?

Considering what we know, it's unsurprising that conspiracy theories and fringe beliefs are becoming more mainstream. (Italics in the original.)

The American body politic has historically hated lies by the leadership of the nation; but for too many truth no longer matters! The disinformation program has somehow dispensed with the need for truthfulness; laying the foundation for the work of the unclean spirits of Rev. 16:13-14. The situation is dire; but Bible Christians have the Word of God and Jesus' promise of the Holy Spirit enabling them to discern between truth and error.

As often happens, researching one particular point can lead to astonishing and very pertinent information. The disinformation program of William Casey's CIA in the Reagan Administration is a case in point:

Flashback: “We’ll Know Our Disinformation Program Is Complete When Everything the American Public Believes Is False.”

“We’ll know our disinformation program is complete when everything the American public believes is false.”

The creepy quote above has been widely attributed to Former CIA Director William Casey.

Casey was the 13th CIA Director from 1981 until he left in January 1987. He died not long after of a brain tumor in May 1987. Dead men tell no tales, as they say.

But did William Casey really say this quote?

The quote itself has been passed around extensively on the Internet, and some people claim Casey never really said it because the only main source it traces back to is late political researcher and radio show host Mae Brussell.

Brussell was the host of the radio show Dialogue: Conspiracy. She got her start when, as a radio show guest, she questioned the official JFK assassination story and the Warren Commission Hearings by suggesting that Lee Harvey Oswald wasn’t the only person involved in Kennedy’s murder. Perhaps the propagandized label of “conspiracy theorist” is the reason why people question the quote Brussell often repeated.

However, Brussell is not the only person that can be attributed to this sharing quote.

Someone posted this meme on Quora back in 2013 with the note, “A disclaimer: I just like Quorans debunking or showing the stupidity behind some of the worst FB memes.”

This is a new trend lately, people trying to debunk old (and most especially, establishment damaging) quotes.

This time, however, someone who claims to have been there when Casey said it showed up to validate the quote:

The William Casey anecdote seems incredible. It also seems incredible that a religious institution has been working relentlessly and in deep secrecy for over a century to destroy the American democracy. However, the Church of Rome's conspiracy to make America Catholic and rule the world is heralded by Bible prophecy (Rev. 13.)

There are solid facts concerning the Reagan Administration which make the Casey anecdote credible. Some of these facts were laid out on a of page this website titled HOW THE ROMAN CATHOLIC SOCIAL DOCTRINE IS ADVANCING IN AMERICA, at the bookmark "The presidencies of Bush the elder and younger." Note that William Casey is one of the members of the Reagan Administration who have been described as "devout Roman Catholics." Moreover, "They regarded the U.S.-Vatican relationship as a holy alliance," and "Through the 1980s, Pope John Paul II met regularly with the head of the United States Central Intelligence Agency, William Casey, and participated in what former U.S. National Security Advisor Richard Allen calls “the greatest secret alliance in history” between the Vatican and the Reagan Administration."

More documentation on the Rome-CIA alliance is provided on this website's page titled AMERICA-VATICAN AXIS AND THE EUROPEAN UNION CONSPIRACY. Note in particular the bookmark "The world power seemingly benefitting most." The hyperlinked reports in that section establish a relationship dating all the way back to the 1940s. Again William Casey is mentioned, along with Alexander Haig, both of them members of the Knights of Malta. Incidentally, the current Chief Justice of the Supreme Court is also a member of the Knights of Malta. (He is also a member of Opus Dei, which is mentioned in an upcoming paper on this website.)

The case is clearly established that the William Casey anecdote is true, and it fits perfectly with the proliferation of lies now confusing and deceiving the body politic of America. It is also clear evidence of the unclean spirits of Rev. 16:13-14 at work.

Also evidence of their working are the hyperlinked reports which follow. There is one notable fact that is central to the Reagan Administration and the propaganda outlets which are now at work in America. They were and are all inextricably locked in the embrace of the Church of Rome. This is not an accident.

ROME TAKES OVER THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

It is not clear when the Church of Rome decided that she had to control a political party in America. However, on reflection it was inevitable that she would do so when the campaign to make America Catholic, as detailed by Christian Edwardson, reached a stage which made it safe to do so. There are Catholic parties in other countries; but such a party in plain view would have been unlikely to prosper in America. Therefore, it is logical that Rome chose to take over an existing political party, and one which was amenable to be shaped into an instrument of authoritarian power. The Church of Rome chose the Republican Party, (a fact which has sadly ensnared thousands of conservative Seventh-day Adventists.):

THE AMERICAN PARTY OF GOD

Both Democrats and Republicans are playing a part in causing "the earth and them that dwell therein" to worship the first beast of Rev. 13. Democratic Presidents Carter and Obama have both invited Popes to the White House, providing them with national exposure and acclamation. The Democratic leaderships in both the House of Representatives and the Senate endorsed the invitation to Pope Francis to address a joint session of Congress in September 2015. However, the Republican Party stands out in its promotion and passage of Roman Catholic laws and its advocacy of religion in politics. Beyond the shadow of a doubt, it is the Republican Party which has been transformed into a religious party bent on destroying the wall of separation between Church and State, and by this means making an image to the beast and giving life to it in fulfillment of Rev. 13:14, & 15 (first part.) As the influence of the first beast increases, the nation is moving closer to fulfillment of Rev. 13:15 (first part.)

Anyone, especially a Seventh-day Adventist, who continues to doubt that the last paragraph describes and predicts the role of the Republican Party in fulfilling the prophecies of Rev. 13:11-17 should carefully consider the following 2006 Washington Post article by former Republican strategist Kevin Phillips, who has demonstrated an extraordinary depth of insight, and a capacity to predict the course of events:

How the GOP Became God's Own Party

Now that the GOP has been transformed by the rise of the South, the trauma of terrorism and George W. Bush's conviction that God wanted him to be president, a deeper conclusion can be drawn: The Republican Party has become the first religious party in U.S. history.

We have had small-scale theocracies in North America before -- in Puritan New England and later in Mormon Utah. Today, a leading power such as the United States approaches theocracy when it meets the conditions currently on display: an elected leader who believes himself to speak for the Almighty, a ruling political party that represents religious true believers, the certainty of many Republican voters that government should be guided by religion and, on top of it all, a White House that adopts agendas seemingly animated by biblical worldviews. . .

It does not require the keenest powers of observation to accept the validity of this Kevin Phillips essay. As stated in the above quotation, "the GOP coalition is unlikely to turn back." This has been obvious with increasing clarity since the 2006 date of the article. It is also verifiable by the historical record, which also reveals how the Republican Party is not simply the "Party of God." It is the Roman Catholic Party.

Control of the Legislature is essential for the passage of Roman Catholic Natural Law. Because America has a constitution which is interpreted by the Courts, control of the Senate enables the appointment of Roman Catholic and fellow-travelling judges to the federal courts, and particularly the Supreme Court.

Consider the diabolical scheme as it has unfolded: take over the Republican Party; flood the nation, and particularly rural America which includes the least populous States, with propaganda to ensure a strangle-hold on the Senate; and pack the federal courts with Roman Catholic sponsored ideologues to reinterpret the Constitution and establish Rome's desired theocratic nation.

MULTIPLICITY OF RIGHT-WING REPUBLICAN PROGAGANDA OUTLETS

Fox News, Trump’s Ministry of Propaganda

How prepared are President Donald Trump’s adversaries to deal with the reality of a lavishly produced state media operation? This, the most-watched cable news network, functions in its fealty to Trump like a real-world Ministry of Truth from George Orwell’s 1984, where bureaucrats “rectify” the historical record to conform to Big Brother’s decrees.

I am referring, of course, to Rupert Murdoch’s Fox News. Having unsuccessfully tried to sell itself as “Fair and Balanced,” Fox News debuted a new brand in March 2018: “Real News. Real Honest Opinion.” Network executives apparently chose this slogan to differentiate themselves from “fake news” outlets—and, no doubt, to dog-whistle a pledge of allegiance to their commander-in-chief, who since being sworn into office has decried fake news in at least 630 tweets (as of Dec. 4, 2019).

Sean Hannity, the host of Fox’s weeknight flagship Hannity, regularly rails against the “media mob” and its “fake news,” terms he has used on more than 100 of his shows since Feb. 20, 2019. On Feb. 21, 2019, for example, he said, “The mainstream media, they devour, you know, any story that just fits their radical, extreme extension of the Democratic socialist party agenda. If it advances the narrative that Donald Trump is evil and his supporters are bad and America is scary and racist and sexist, homophobic, xenophobic, Islamophobic, the media mob will shift into full gear without … any kind of investigation.”

It seems Hannity and Trump have studied the texts of the 20th century’s master of indoctrination, who wrote in his 1925 autobiographical manifesto, Mein Kampf, “The most brilliant propagandist technique will yield no success unless one fundamental principle is borne in mind constantly—it must confine itself to a few points and repeat them over and over.”

Republicans launch propaganda sites designed to look like local news outlets

An investigation by the fact-checking outlet Snopes found that several new local news websites are actually being launched by Republican consultants whose company is funded in part by the candidates the sites cover.

Politico first reported last year that Tea Party-linked conservative activists Michael Patrick Leahy, Steve Gill and Christina Botteri were behind the "Tennessee Star,” a website that purported to be a local news website but mostly posted content licensed from groups linked to big Republican donors.

Snopes discovered that the trio has since launched similar sites in other battleground states ahead of the 2020 elections: the Ohio Star and the Minnesota Sun. . .

The group behind the sites does not appear content with just three outlets. According to Politico, Leahy has purchased domain names associated with Missouri, New England, the Dakotas, Michigan, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Virginia and Wisconsin, most of which are electoral battleground states that will be vital in 2020.

Pro-Trump Sinclair Media Poised for National Expansion by 2020

Sinclair Broadcasting Group is the largest owner of local television news stations in the United States. It currently airs original programming on 193 channels throughout the country, enough to reach 39 percent of all American homes.

The company is also owned by a longtime Republican donor, and proudly operates as a platform for conservative propaganda. Sinclair formally promised to provide favorable coverage to Donald Trump’s 2016 campaign (in exchange for access to the GOP nominee). Since the mogul’s election, the media giant has ordered all of its affiliates to air commentary that advances White House talking points, and coerced their own anchors into personally reporting that the mainstream news media is biased against the president. . .

It is unclear whether Sinclair will force regional baseball announcers to deliver “terrorism alerts” between batters. But even if the broadcaster leaves its sports stations well enough alone, those stations should still provide Sinclair with a healthy source of revenue for funding its propaganda operations; Wall Street analysts are bullish on SBG’s stock.

And that’s probably bad news for Democrats. It is hard to overstate how much the conservative movement has benefited from its associated billionaires’ investments in mass media. A 2017 study from researchers at Emory and Stanford estimated that Fox News increased the Republican Party’s share of the two-party vote in 2004 and 2008 by 3.59 and 6.34 percentage points respectively. Just this month, a study using the same methodology found that counties where Fox News has a low channel number (and thus, slightly higher viewership) tend to have more conservative fiscal policies as a result.

A Major New Study Shows That Political Polarization Is Mainly A Right-Wing Phenomenon

A major new study of social media sharing patterns shows that political polarization is more common among conservatives than liberals — and that the exaggerations and falsehoods emanating from right-wing media outlets such as Breitbart News have infected mainstream discourse.

Though the report, published by the Columbia Journalism Review, does an excellent job of laying out the challenge posed by Breitbart and its ilk, it is less than clear on how to counter it. Successfully standing up for truthful reporting in this environment “could usher in a new golden age for the Fourth Estate,” the authors write. But members of the public who care about such journalism are already flocking to news organizations like The New York Times, The Washington Post, and, locally, The Boston Globe, all of which have experienced a surge in paid subscriptions since the election of President Trump. That’s heartening, but there are no signs that it’s had any effect on the popularity or influence of the right-wing partisan media.

The CJR study, by scholars at the Berkman Klein Center for Internet & Society, at Harvard Law School, and the MIT Center for Civic Media, examined more than 1.25 million articles between April 1, 2015, and Election Day. What they found was that Hillary Clinton supporters shared stories from across a relatively broad political spectrum, including center-right sources such as The Wall Street Journal, mainstream news organizations like the Times and the Post, and partisan liberal sites like The Huffington Post and The Daily Beast.

By contrast, Donald Trump supporters clustered around Breitbart — headed until recently by Stephen Bannon, the hard-right nationalist now ensconced in the White House — and a few like-minded websites such as The Daily Caller, Alex Jones' Infowars, and The Gateway Pundit. Even Fox News was dropped from the favored circle back when it was attacking Trump during the primaries, and only re-entered the fold once it had made its peace with the future president.

The authors of the study refer to their findings as “asymmetric polarization,” and they point to some deleterious effects. The Breitbart-led sites were able to push the traditional media into focusing on Trump’s favored issue — immigration — and to frame it on their terms: overwrought fears about crime and terrorism. Clinton, on the other hand, was defined mainly by scandal coverage in the form of her use of a private email server, the attack on the American consulate in Benghazi, Libya, and the Clinton Foundation. The authors of the study, Yochai Benkler, Robert Faris and Hal Roberts of Berkman and Ethan Zuckerman of MIT, write:

It is a mistake to dismiss these stories as “fake news”; their power stems from a potent mix of verifiable facts (the leaked Podesta emails), familiar repeated falsehoods, paranoid logic, and consistent political orientation within a mutually-reinforcing network of like-minded sites.

Use of disinformation by partisan media sources is neither new nor limited to the right wing, but the insulation of the partisan right-wing media from traditional journalistic media sources, and the vehemence of its attacks on journalism in common cause with a similarly outspoken president, is new and distinctive.

Washington Post media columnist Margaret Sullivan, writing about the study earlier this week, recalled talking with a Trump voter in Pennsylvania who said she didn’t support Clinton because “I didn’t like how she stole those emails and it got people killed in Benghazi” — a perfect storm of misinformation.

THE GREAT SECOND ADVENT MOVEMENT MESSAGE SABOTAGED IN THE CHURCH

These are perilous times of overpowering lies and deceptions, not only in the world of politics, but also in the community of Seventh-day Adventists. Our Lord Jesus Christ Himself gave us warning: "And many false prophets shall rise, and shall deceive many" (Matt. 24:11.) It is obvious that we are more easily deceived by false prophets within than without the Church, and the apostle Peter confirms this statement: "But there were false prophets also among the people, even as there shall be false teachers among you, who privily shall bring in damnable heresies, even denying the Lord that bought them, and bring upon themselves swift destruction" (2 Peter 2:1.) "Denying the Lord . . ." is particularly significant in the contemporary community of Seventh-day Adventists with tens of thousands seduced into denying the eternal pre-existence and equality with God the Father of Christ, notwithstanding the clear revelation in the Old Testament and John 1:1-3, 14. It was in the flesh that He was the only-begotten (uniquely begotten) of the Father.

Ellen G. White identifies what is happening in the Church community when she predicted that there would be "seducing spirits and doctrines of devils in the midst of the Church."

How many of us are aware of her warnings?. How many are aroused to engage in deep study of the Bible to be able to identify the doctrines of devils when even the pastors of the churches express scorn for "heavy theology." Scorn for "heavy theology" is scorn for the Bible. Note in this passage from PROFILE OF Wm. H. GROTHEER AND HISTORY OF ADVENTIST LAYMEN'S FOUNDATION the definition of theology: "Now 'theology' in its simplest form is the study of God and His workings in time; in other words, the Bible." It was theology, and "heavy theology" at that, which revealed the Bible Truths on which the Great Second Advent Movement (1833-1844) and the Seventh-day Adventist Church (1863) were founded. The Church has played the harlot by the wayside, and willingly gone into Babylonian captivity. How many choose to remain in Babylonian captivity? How many are willing to walk in the light of advancing Truth? The Great Second Advent Movement marches forward in the light of advancing Truth towards "the battle of that great day of God Almighty" (Rev. 16:14,) to be with the Lamb, "called, and chosen, and faithful" (Rev. 17:14.) Who chooses now to be on the Lord's side? 

To the law and to the testimony: if they speak not according to this word, it is because there is no light in them." Isaiah 8:20. The people of God are directed to the Scriptures as their safeguard against the influence of false teachers and the delusive power of spirits of darkness. Satan employs every possible device to prevent men from obtaining a knowledge of the Bible; for its plain utterances reveal his deceptions. At every revival of God's work the prince of evil is aroused to more intense activity; he is now putting forth his utmost efforts for a final struggle against Christ and His followers. The last great delusion is soon to open before us. Antichrist is to perform his marvelous works in our sight. So closely will the counterfeit resemble the true that it will be impossible to distinguish between them except by the Holy Scriptures. By their testimony every statement and every miracle must be tested. (EGW, The Impending Conflict, P. 22.1.)

 

CARRIED OVER FROM 2019

SDA CHURCH LEADERSHIP SURRENDERS TO ROME'S ANTI-ABORTION DOGMAS

(SDA Church has wandered onto Rome's enchanted ground, as she did in adopting the Trinity dogma)

INTRODUCTION
THE BIBLE AND THE ABORTION CONTROVERSY
RELIGIO-POLITICAL "PRO-LIFE" ALLIANCE MISAPPLIES PASSAGES FROM THE BIBLE
SPURIOUS USE OF THE BIBLE EXPOSED BY SOUND BIBLICAL EXEGESIS
PROPAGANDA CONFIRMS THE UNDERLYING DOGMA AND STIRS UP EMOTIONS
THE GREAT LIE OF THE DEVIL PASSED DOWN FROM THE GARDEN OF EDEN
HISTORICAL FACTS FROM THE PROTESTANT WORLD
COMPLICATED HISTORY OF SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST POSITION ON ABORTION
THE SEVENTH-DAY CHURCH BENDS TO THE PREVAILING WINDS
ENSNARED BY THE ARCHDECEIVER

INTRODUCTION

The abortion controversy involves issues of extreme complexity, and imagery which arouses strong negative emotions. It should therefore surprise no-one that Satan would choose to hide the Great Lie of the immortality of the soul within these extremely complex issues. The following inspired statements and predictions of Ellen G. White call for commensurate reliance on divine guidance through the treacherous waters of the controversy, when the spirits of devils are manifestly at work. (Rev. 16:13-14):

I have been shown that Satan has not been stupid and careless these many years, since his fall, but has been learning. He has grown more artful. His plans are laid deeper, and are more covered with a religious garment to hide their deformity. The power of Satan now to tempt and deceive is ten-fold greater than it was in the days of the apostles. His power has increased, and it will increase, until it is taken away. (2 SG, P. 277; emphasis supplied.)

It is the first and highest duty of every rational being to learn from the Scriptures what is truth, and then to walk in the light and encourage others to follow his example. We should day by day study the Bible diligently, weighing every thought and comparing scripture with scripture. With divine help we are to form our opinions for ourselves as we are to answer for ourselves before God.... (Maranatha, P. 94; emphasis supplied)

The first of these two statements emphasizes the formidable power of Satan to ensnare the human mind in these last days. The second statement underscores the role of the Bible as our protection against ensnarement by the devil, the necessity of utter reliance upon God, and the duty to follow His guidance in forming our opinions. It was Jesus Himself who promised the Holy Spirit to guide us into all Truth.

THE BIBLE AND THE ABORTION CONTROVERSY

The late John V. Stevens, Sr. was the former Director of the Pacific Union Conference of Seventh-day Adventists' Department of Public Affairs and Religious Liberty. His book The Abortion Controversy, is thoroughly researched and heavily documented. He points out the following in the chapter titled "Abortion Law in the Scriptures— Accidental and Induced":

Both sides of the religious controversy over abortion generally recognize the Bible teaching that God is the Author of life and forms humanity in the womb, both fearfully (with great respect) and wonderfully. Without Him there is no life, not even for birds, fish, and animals—or for the vegetation on the face of the earth. Both sides also believe that the Scriptures are inspired, come from God, and should be followed. Many who oppose abortion believe that the sixth commandment, "You shall not murder" and Psalm 139 clearly prohibit abortions of any kind following conception. Inasmuch as most religious denominations take stands against abortion based on their understanding of the Holy Scriptures, it may come as a surprise that only two passages in the entire Bible deal with an induced miscarriage—one accidental, and the other planned. No other references deal with abortion, either in the Old Testament or the New Testament. We shall do a detailed examination of those two passages. Religious adherents who favor choice cite these two passages that deal explicitly with abortion—one accidental, and one induced. They point out that biblical law mandated only a misdemeanor fine against one who accidentally caused a woman to have a miscarriage. The induced abortion performed by the priest was the result of a pregnancy that arose from infidelity, and no punishment was imposed for inducing the abortion. Rather, a command came from God to cause it to take place. Of special significance is that both references are part of the law given at Mt. Sinai by God, or Jehovah, as He is referred to oftentimes in the Old Testament. Both references are not only laws, but God spoke them directly, so it was not someone simply recording a law. The first passage is found in the book of Exodus, chapter 21, at the close of the Ten Commandments, and is a continuation of God speaking concerning His law. Those commandments are found in the previous chapter. God's laws are universal, for all time and all peoples. But purely religious laws are not to be adopted by the state and enforced. However, many social laws which the state should enforce, such as the last six commandments, protect people from people. Hence, the One who commanded that we not murder is the same One who continues His laws in the following chapters. They are repeated in Deuteronomy chapters 10-15 and also appear in parts of the book of Numbers. God, the source of all life, has established all the necessary provisions for life. He carries every developing fetus during its formation in the womb, from its conception through birth, and that fetus is dependent on borrowed life from the mother while in the womb until birth, when breath makes its life independent of its connection with the mother through the umbilical cord. . .

In Scripture God does not call for a manslaughter or murder punishment for an accidentally caused miscarriage—but only for a fine. The distinction between the fine for the miscarriage and the penalty for injuring or killing the mother is clear. The fact that God is speaking personally and directly and that the passage comes from the statutory portion of the Scripture makes it of even greater authenticity and force.' The inescapable conclusion of the most obvious meaning of Exodus 21 is that God does not recognize the fetus as a human person. Such a fetus is not given the same protection under the law as one having been born. In Jewish legal reckoning, the fetus is to be regarded as part of the pregnant woman. This is in agreement with the passage found in the book of Numbers, chapter 5. In that passage a woman, guilty of infidelity resulting in a pregnancy, was required to have an induced miscarriage, as a result of the law that God established. The Scripture refers to this miscarriage as the belly swelling and the thigh rotting—the fetus being expelled. This is also consistent with the principle that the fetus has only borrowed life from the mother, whose blood feeds the fetus oxygen, causing it to develop and grow. The position is also in harmony with Scriptures that attribute life and personhood only when one is breathing, following birth. Hence, birth marks the beginning of personhood. (The Abortion Controversy: Abortion Law in the Scriptures— Accidental and Induced (Pp. 157-162; Underscored emphasis added.)

"Only two passages in the entire Bible deal with an induced miscarriage. No other references deal with abortion, either in the Old Testament or the New Testament." This is an inescapable fact, as also the fact that neither passage condemns either the accidental or the induced miscarriage as murder. Moreover, the induced miscarriage was by express commandment of God.

These facts which cannot be denied present no problem for the Roman Catholic Church. Why?! - because Rome's ideology on abortion and birth control were never based on the Bible. (The two cannot be separated in discussing the "Pro-Life" movement, because Rome, the originator of the abortion controversy opposes both on the basis of the same dogmas.) The Seventh-day Adventist Church has in the past recognized that fact, as evidenced in a 1969 Ministry article by J. R. Spangler:-

Adventists and Birth Control

IF BIRTH CONTROL per se is a moral problem, Satan, at this point, must be about as exuberant as he was when Adam and Eve ate the forbidden fruit. What would the world, especially the Christian world, talk about if we solved the birth control problem? Protestants may sneer at Rome's dilemma, but most recently over thrown, seldom enforced, United States State laws against birth control are traceable to Protestant legislation.

Discussions on birth control and related issues range from possible immorality in creases among married and unmarried to imponderable questions such as When does a fertilized egg become a human being? Modern science has now presented the human race with two rather extreme biological and spiritual questions.

1. At what point from fertilized egg to infant does microscopic murder take place in the event of abortion?

2. At what point does death take place in the case of those whose hearts or other vital organs are used for transplant purposes?

We could mini-word these two problems by simply asking, What is the definition for life and death? How fortunate our forefathers were in escaping many a head ache during a time when such issues were nonexistent.

The magnitude of these and related questions for twentieth-century man was impressed upon my mind through a booklet given me by a good Catholic neighbor. This forty-page booklet, prepared by the archdiocese of Washington, D.C., contains thirty-eight questions and answers related to Pope Paul's historic seven-thousand-word encyclical Humenae Vitae ("Of Human Life"). Some of the questions read like this: Why can't a Catholic form his own conscience on the subject of contraception?

Won't the next pope, or the one after him, reverse what Pope Paul has done?

But suppose the condemnation of contraception isn't infallible. Then it's fallible, isn't it? And if it's fallible, couldn't it be mistaken?

The remarkable opening statement of J. R. Spangler in the article, is right in line with the warning of Ellen G. White above.

Rome, by the force of her activism and propaganda has overcome the problem of her position on contraception since 1969 when the two-part article was written by J.R. Spangler. Although the Roman Catholic Church has advocated against birth control as well  abortion, the emphasis of the Protestant churches which have joined in her activism has been on the latter. This is symptomatic of their blindness. Furthermore, unlike Rome they have had to conjure up Scriptures to support their campaign. A Roman Catholic publication has republished almost all of an article which first appeared in the Washington Post and is no longer accessible. The portion omitted is small, but significant, and was quoted in an earlier Adventistlaymen.com web page. The omitted portion is in italics below:-

Roe v. Wade anniversary: How abortion became an evangelical issue

There is more to the story of course. One often overlooked dimension of the story is the intersection of evangelical and Roman Catholic concerns in the emergence of a pro-life coalition. While most evangelicals were either on the wrong side of the issue or politically disengaged, Roman Catholic leaders were on the front lines opposing abortion as a fundamental assault on human dignity. By the late 1960s, the Roman Catholic Church was fighting demands for the legalization of abortion nationally and state by state – opposition that preceded the 1968 papal encyclical Humanae Vitae.

By the time Roe was handed down, Catholic leaders had developed sophisticated arguments and growing organizations to fight for the pro-life cause. In 1967, six years before Roe, Catholics had led in the creation of the National Right to Life Committee. The Catholic tradition, drawn largely from the natural law, became the foundational intellectual contribution to the development of a united front against abortion. Nevertheless, for evangelicals to join the movement in a decisive way, arguments drawn directly from Scripture had to be formed and then preached from the pulpits of evangelical churches. . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

RELIGIO-POLITICAL "PRO-LIFE" ALLIANCE MISAPPLIES PASSAGES FROM THE BIBLE

The following essay reveals the true reason for the emergence of the religio-political alliance between the Roman Catholics and right-wing Evangelicals. The passages quoted are long; but essential for the perfect understanding which is essential in relation to a satanic doctrine cloaked in a garb of Christian morality:-

The Real Origins of the Religious Right

One of the most durable myths in recent history is that the religious right, the coalition of conservative evangelicals and fundamentalists, emerged as a political movement in response to the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1973 Roe v. Wade ruling legalizing abortion. The tale goes something like this: Evangelicals, who had been politically quiescent for decades, were so morally outraged by Roe that they resolved to organize in order to overturn it.

This myth of origins is oft repeated by the movement’s leaders. In his 2005 book, Jerry Falwell, the firebrand fundamentalist preacher, recounts his distress upon reading about the ruling in the Jan. 23, 1973, edition of the Lynchburg News: “I sat there staring at the Roe v. Wade story,” Falwell writes, “growing more and more fearful of the consequences of the Supreme Court’s act and wondering why so few voices had been raised against it.” Evangelicals, he decided, needed to organize.

Some of these anti- Roe crusaders even went so far as to call themselves “new abolitionists,” invoking their antebellum predecessors who had fought to eradicate slavery.

But the abortion myth quickly collapses under historical scrutiny. In fact, it wasn’t until 1979—a full six years after Roe—that evangelical leaders, at the behest of conservative activist Paul Weyrich, seized on abortion not for moral reasons, but as a rallying-cry to deny President Jimmy Carter a second term. Why? Because the anti-abortion crusade was more palatable than the religious right’s real motive: protecting segregated schools. So much for the new abolitionism

Today, evangelicals make up the backbone of the pro-life movement, but it hasn’t always been so. Both before and for several years after Roe, evangelicals were overwhelmingly indifferent to the subject, which they considered a “Catholic issue.” In 1968, for instance, a symposium sponsored by the Christian Medical Society and Christianity Today, the flagship magazine of evangelicalism, refused to characterize abortion as sinful, citing “individual health, family welfare, and social responsibility” as justifications for ending a pregnancy. In 1971, delegates to the Southern Baptist Convention in St. Louis, Missouri, passed a resolution encouraging “Southern Baptists to work for legislation that will allow the possibility of abortion under such conditions as rape, incest, clear evidence of severe fetal deformity, and carefully ascertained evidence of the likelihood of damage to the emotional, mental, and physical health of the mother.” The convention, hardly a redoubt of liberal values, reaffirmed that position in 1974, one year after Roe, and again in 1976.

When the Roe decision was handed down, W. A. Criswell, the Southern Baptist Convention’s former president and pastor of First Baptist Church in Dallas, Texas—also one of the most famous fundamentalists of the 20th century—was pleased: “I have always felt that it was only after a child was born and had a life separate from its mother that it became an individual person,” he said, “and it has always, therefore, seemed to me that what is best for the mother and for the future should be allowed.”. . .

So what then were the real origins of the religious right? It turns out that the movement can trace its political roots back to a court ruling, but not Roe v. Wade.

In May 1969, a group of African-American parents in Holmes County, Mississippi, sued the Treasury Department to prevent three new whites-only K-12 private academies from securing full tax-exempt status, arguing that their discriminatory policies prevented them from being considered “charitable” institutions. The schools had been founded in the mid-1960s in response to the desegregation of public schools set in motion by the Brown v. Board of Education decision of 1954. In 1969, the first year of desegregation, the number of white students enrolled in public schools in Holmes County dropped from 771 to 28; the following year, that number fell to zero.

In Green v. Kennedy (David Kennedy was secretary of the treasury at the time), decided in January 1970, the plaintiffs won a preliminary injunction, which denied the “segregation academies” tax-exempt status until further review. In the meantime, the government was solidifying its position on such schools. Later that year, President Richard Nixon ordered the Internal Revenue Service to enact a new policy denying tax exemptions to all segregated schools in the United States. Under the provisions of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, which forbade racial segregation and discrimination, discriminatory schools were not—by definition—“charitable” educational organizations, and therefore they had no claims to tax-exempt status; similarly, donations to such organizations would no longer qualify as tax-deductible contributions.

On June 30, 1971, the United States District Court for the District of Columbia issued its ruling in the case, now Green v. Connally (John Connally had replaced David Kennedy as secretary of the Treasury). The decision upheld the new IRS policy: “Under the Internal Revenue Code, properly construed, racially discriminatory private schools are not entitled to the Federal tax exemption provided for charitable, educational institutions, and persons making gifts to such schools are not entitled to the deductions provided in case of gifts to charitable, educational institutions.”

Paul Weyrich, the late religious conservative political activist and co-founder of the Heritage Foundation, saw his opening.

In the decades following World War II, evangelicals, especially white evangelicals in the North, had drifted toward the Republican Party—inclined in that direction by general Cold War anxieties, vestigial suspicions of Catholicism and well-known evangelist Billy Graham’s very public friendship with Dwight Eisenhower and Richard Nixon. Despite these predilections, though, evangelicals had largely stayed out of the political arena, at least in any organized way. If he could change that, Weyrich reasoned, their large numbers would constitute a formidable voting bloc—one that he could easily marshal behind conservative causes.

“The new political philosophy must be defined by us [conservatives] in moral terms, packaged in non-religious language, and propagated throughout the country by our new coalition,” Weyrich wrote in the mid-1970s. “When political power is achieved, the moral majority will have the opportunity to re-create this great nation.” Weyrich believed that the political possibilities of such a coalition were unlimited. “The leadership, moral philosophy, and workable vehicle are at hand just waiting to be blended and activated,” he wrote. “If the moral majority acts, results could well exceed our wildest dreams.”

But this hypothetical “moral majority” needed a catalyst—a standard around which to rally. For nearly two decades, Weyrich, by his own account, had been trying out different issues, hoping one might pique evangelical interest: pornography, prayer in schools, the proposed Equal Rights Amendment to the Constitution, even abortion. “I was trying to get these people interested in those issues and I utterly failed,” Weyrich recalled at a conference in 1990.

The Green v. Connally ruling provided a necessary first step: It captured the attention of evangelical leaders , especially as the IRS began sending questionnaires to church-related “segregation academies,” including Falwell’s own Lynchburg Christian School, inquiring about their racial policies. Falwell was furious. “In some states,” he famously complained, “It’s easier to open a massage parlor than a Christian school.”

One such school, Bob Jones University—a fundamentalist college in Greenville, South Carolina—was especially obdurate. The IRS had sent its first letter to Bob Jones University in November 1970 to ascertain whether or not it discriminated on the basis of race. The school responded defiantly: It did not admit African Americans.

For many evangelical leaders, who had been following the issue since Green v. Connally, Bob Jones University was the final straw. As Elmer L. Rumminger, longtime administrator at Bob Jones University, told me in an interview, the IRS actions against his school “alerted the Christian school community about what could happen with government interference” in the affairs of evangelical institutions. “That was really the major issue that got us all involved.”

Weyrich saw that he had the beginnings of a conservative political movement, which is why, several years into President Jimmy Carter’s term, he and other leaders of the nascent religious right blamed the Democratic president for the IRS actions against segregated schools—even though the policy was mandated by Nixon, and Bob Jones University had lost its tax exemption a year and a day before Carter was inaugurated as president. Falwell, Weyrich and others were undeterred by the niceties of facts. In their determination to elect a conservative, they would do anything to deny a Democrat, even a fellow evangelical like Carter, another term in the White House.

Weyrich, Falwell and leaders of the emerging religious right enlisted an unlikely ally in their quest to advance abortion as a political issue: Francis A. Schaeffer—a goateed, knickers-wearing theologian who was warning about the eclipse of Christian values and the advance of something he called “secular humanism.” Schaeffer, considered by many the intellectual godfather of the religious right, was not known for his political activism, but by the late 1970s he decided that legalized abortion would lead inevitably to infanticide and euthanasia, and he was eager to sound the alarm. Schaeffer teamed with a pediatric surgeon, C. Everett Koop, to produce a series of films entitled Whatever Happened to the Human Race? In the early months of 1979, Schaeffer and Koop, targeting an evangelical audience, toured the country with these films, which depicted the scourge of abortion in graphic terms—most memorably with a scene of plastic baby dolls strewn along the shores of the Dead Sea. Schaeffer and Koop argued that any society that countenanced abortion was captive to “secular humanism” and therefore caught in a vortex of moral decay.

Between Weyrich’s machinations and Schaeffer’s jeremiad, evangelicals were slowly coming around on the abortion issue. At the conclusion of the film tour in March 1979, Schaeffer reported that Protestants, especially evangelicals, “have been so sluggish on this issue of human life, and Whatever Happened to the Human Race? is causing real waves, among church people and governmental people too.”

By 1980, even though Carter had sought, both as governor of Georgia and as president, to reduce the incidence of abortion, his refusal to seek a constitutional amendment outlawing it was viewed by politically conservative evangelicals as an unpardonable sin. Never mind the fact that his Republican opponent that year, Ronald Reagan, had signed into law, as governor of California in 1967, the most liberal abortion bill in the country. When Reagan addressed a rally of 10,000 evangelicals at Reunion Arena in Dallas in August 1980, he excoriated the “unconstitutional regulatory agenda” directed by the IRS “against independent schools,” but he made no mention of abortion. Nevertheless, leaders of the religious right hammered away at the issue, persuading many evangelicals to make support for a constitutional amendment outlawing abortion a litmus test for their votes. . .

This Randall Balmer exposé is so solidly based in historical fact that it is widely quoted in respected publications.

The last sentence of the italicized quotation above from the original article "Roe v. Wade anniversary: How abortion became an evangelical issue" is a candid admission by the author, who was evidently a Roman Catholic, and in any event clearly anti-abortion.

None of the following compilation of Bible texts on the Focus on the Family, website can exegetically support their anti-abortion position. The author even includes Exodus 21:22-25, which actually refutes the contention that the fetus is a life in being. Many of the texts are so clearly unrelated to the question of when life begins that even a non-theologian author should be embarrassed:-

What the Bible Says About the Beginning of Life

The quotation of Bible texts to support an erroneous position on abortion is an egregious example of "eisegesis" as distinct from "exegesis." (Cf. What is the difference between exegesis and eisegesis?)

Even more egregious is the fact that, on careful exegetical examination, it can be seen that the deadly dogma of the immortality of the soul is the basis of misapplication of Bible texts in  support of the "pro-life" movement. This dogma is the foundation pillar of the ideology that life begins at conception.

SPURIOUS USE OF THE BIBLE EXPOSED BY SOUND BIBLICAL EXEGESIS

The chapter titled "Puzzling Passages Made Plain" in John V. Stevens' book The Abortion Controversy exegetically demonstrates the misapplication of Bible texts to support the anti-abortion movement. It is a desecration of the Scriptures to support the dogma of the immortality of the soul:-

THE ABORTION CONTROVERSY - Puzzling Passages Made Plain

The prevailing belief that man has an immortal soul has given rise to a great deal of confusion and misunderstanding. Some of the speculation that emanates from this falsehood is that since God predicted the birth and life of some persons, it is automatically assumed that they already exist somewhere other than on the earth. Hence, the non-biblical belief that when an "immortal soul" is infused into the fertilized egg, it has full standing as a person and abortion is tantamount to killing or, as some say, murder.

God predicted, through the prophet Isaiah, that an emperor by the name of Cyrus would someday make it possible for the Jews to return to their homeland and be freed from their Babylonian captivity. In the following passage, God likens Cyrus to a faithful shepherd who cares for his sheep:

"Who says of Cyrus, 'He is my shepherd, and he shall perform all My pleasure, saying to Jerusalem, 'You shall be built; and to the temple, 'Your foundation shall be laid: Thus says the Lord to His anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have held—to subdue nations before him and loose the armor of kings, to open before him the double doors, so that gates will not be shut."1

Those who hold to the teaching of the natural immortality of the soul can easily draw the conclusion that since God foreknew Cyrus, that he was indeed a person prior to his birth. The question to be asked and answered is: Was Cyrus a person one and a half centuries before he was conceived, simply because God knew about him and his future life and activities? If one does not hold to the doctrine of the natural immortality of the soul, which originated in paganism and found its way into early Christianity, the answer would be simply and obviously, no.

Then how is it that God knew him before conception if Cryus did not yet exist? After all, God is omniscient—all-knowing. "Remember the former things of old, For I am God, and there is no other; I am God, and there is none like Me, declaring the end from the beginning:' Human beings have plans for their children before they are born, even before they are conceived. Great plans are laid. Parents often even name their children before birth. In imagination, parents even conjecture up pictures and experiences they believe the future might hold. But we as humans are not all-knowing, so our plans do not materialize consistently.

The difference between God and a parental couple is that God is the Creator, and He can bring His plans to pass. A man and a woman are not creators but partners with God in procreation. Again, personhood cannot be assigned to the preconception period.

Another passage used by those supporting this premise of a pre-existing soul before birth is found in Jeremiah: "Before I formed you in the womb I knew you; before you were born I sanctified you; I ordained you a prophet to the nations:' Was Jeremiah a person before he was conceived and formed, simply because God knew him? Or was he a person because God sanctified him and ordained (assigned) him to be a prophet? The biblical answer is a resounding no.

God planned Jeremiah and his sanctification—that is his wholeness or holiness, and his future role as a prophet—before he was conceived, even as He did with Jesus, John the Baptist, Moses, Samson, Isaac, and others. But that did not make Jeremiah a living person before his conception or birth. Nor was that true of the others, except for Christ, who has lived from eternity with no beginning and no end.

Another text sometimes used is found in Hebrews. Levi was a great grandson of Abraham. In a picturesque manner, the passage in Hebrews states that Levi paid tithe before his birth. The ministry in the Old Testament was paid from the tithe given by the people, which represented 10 percent of their increase and was limited to sacred use. "Even Levi, who receives tithes, paid tithes through Abraham, so to speak, for he was still in the loins of his father when Melchizadek met him."' The phrase, "so to speak" reveals it is only a figure of speech, showing the Levitical priesthood was established by birth in the lineage of Levi, differing from the new priesthood of Christ.

Being in the loins of his great grandfather was the contemporary way of referring to hereditary genes passed on from one generation to the next. But to be in the genes does not equal the status of personhood. If that were the case, an abrasion of the skin containing DNA would be the same as killing countless babies, because the genes in the cells have the genetic code in them. That argument in favor of personhood is readily rejected by most people. In the book of Hebrews, the ancestry of Christ is traced back to Judah. "It is evident that our Lord arose from Judah, of which tribe Moses spoke nothing concerning priest­hood."'

Christians believe that Jesus Christ preexisted prior to His virgin birth through Mary. While true, His case was an exception. Jesus was a person prior to being incarnated. He was a descendent of Judah, another great grandson of Abraham. But simply because he would come on the scene as a member of the human race in the future didn't mean that He was literally in Judah's body. Christ could not have been in Judah's body more than fifteen centuries earlier. This is simply a picturesque way of writing to show that he descended from Judah genetically.

God predicted through King David that future generations would rise. David stated: "This will be written for the generation to come, that a people yet to be created may praise the Lord:'' Praise to God cannot take place until the creative process is complete, as with Adam, who began life as his nostrils were supplied with the breath of life, and he started breathing. The biblical record is most clear on the beginning of personhood at the point of independent breathing. "And the LORD God formed man of the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life; and man became a living being."'

If an immortal soul existed prior to birth, then creation would be prior to birth, but the passage is clear that praise would come after creation, which would be after birth. It becomes complicated, confusing, and inconsistent to believe that an immortal, invisible, and intelligent soul is waiting to be implanted in the womb to become a human being, yet that it would be capable of praise before that time—the time of conception. All of God's creation praises Him. Thus we can safely and confidently conclude that there is no preexistent soul that is implanted in the womb to become a person at that point of conception, but rather, taking the obvious and clear meaning of Scripture, we conclude that personhood takes place when the breath of life enters the lungs and one begins to breathe independently. If there were a preexisting immortal soul, it would surely praise God, but that is rejected by the plain and obvious meaning of God's Word.

Most people are aware that King David of Israel planned to build a sanctuary to God. But because of his wars and the shedding of much blood, God revealed this to him:

"Whereas it was in your heart to build a temple for My name, you did well in that it was in your heart. Nevertheless you shall not build the temple, but your son who will come from your body, he shall build the temple for My name."8

If the entirety of Solomon—body, soul, and spirit—came from heaven and earth, it would be improper to state that Solomon would come from David's body. The only thing that comes from outside the parents' bodies and the body of the baby that is born is the air that is breathed, oxygen. No immortal soul comes from God in heaven to be placed into the fetus at conception or at any time. The body and the breath are the two components of the entire being—no more, no less. When breath comes to the baby at birth, it lives. When breath is removed, the person dies. . .

Anyone who has read some of the Bible will recall that often a phrase will read that a woman was "with child!' That is generally understood to mean she is expecting the birth of a child. If the Scripture calls it a child while it is being formed, then certainly it must be a child and hence, a person. But is that what the Scriptures really say, or is that simply a translation problem that reflects the personal theology of scholars?

Let us take a look at the original language. Since Sarah, wife of Abraham, could not conceive, she urged her husband to have a child, an heir, by her hand­maid, Hagar. The angel of the Lord came to Hagar after she and Abraham were together and said to her, "Behold you are with child."' The term with child comes from the Hebrew word harah. But literally, the word means "to have conceived:" And the word is used five times. To be accurate, it should have been translated, "Behold you have conceived," or "you have become pregnant" The actual word child is not found in the original documents. For they all understood that one did not have a child until it was born. It was a developing child-to-be, but not yet a child. If it were to go to full term, then it would become a child.

"To be with child"—harah, hariyyah is the term in Hebrew—literally means "to conceive:' This term is used two times. For instance: "Thus both the daughters of Lot were with child by their father" A more accurate translation is "Thus both the daughters of Lot conceived by their father."'

The phrase "to travail with child: or "labored with child: uses the Hebrew word chul, literally, "to be pained" Isaiah uses it: 'Sing, 0 barren, you who have not borne! Break forth into singing, and cry aloud, you who have not labored with child! For more are the children of the desolate than the children of the married woman: says the LORD:'25 "You did not pain" is the better translation, for the word child does not appear in the original but was added by translators.

Another use of "to travail with child: uses the Hebrew word, yalad, literally, "to bring forth" "The woman with child"' is more accurately translated, "The woman that was bringing forth."

"Woman with child: comes from the Hebrew hariyyah, literally, "to conceive:' This term is found six times. "As a woman with child is in pain and cries out"27 more correctly is, "As a woman who has conceived is in pain and cries out."

Seven times the phrase "travail with child" is found. The Greek word is echo, literally, "to have in the womb:' An example is the instance of the angel coming to Mary to announce that she was expecting: "She was found with child of the Holy Ghost:28 A more accurate translation would be, "She was found to have in the womb, of the Holy Ghost:'

One can now better understand the status of the developing fetus prior to birth, as not being a child. If it were, God would have influenced the prophets to make that clear. They used God-inspired words. But the absence of the word child in connection with the growth prior to birth is indicative that it is not then a child or a person. As we have examined the usage of the term child prior to birth in the Scriptures, we've discovered that the original language, inspired by the Holy Spirit does not give the status of a child to the pre-born fetus but simply refers to it as a conception, or to be in pain in delivery, or to have in the womb. Remember, the Word of God is truth according to God, for all Scripture is inspired by God.29 Then why the dilemma? Translators of the Bible were simply human beings who held a theological view that the soul was naturally immortal and that at conception the conceptus was indeed a child and a person.

This, the Scriptures simply deny by usage of unmistakably clear language. Emotionally, probably all human beings consider the fetus a child and talk fondly of it being their child, but according to God, it is not a child or a person until it is born and breathing independently, having achieved independent and not borrowed, life. At that point it advances to the status of a child and a person.

The New King James Version does translate it correctly in the book of Ruth. "So Boaz took Ruth and she became his wife; and when he went in to her, the LORD gave her conception, and she bore a son:'3° You will note the translator could have simply inserted the word child for conception, and most people would never know the difference, as they don't in other similar cases. But the truth is that it is a conceptus until it is born, and not a child until it is born. God gave Ruth a conception, and the next phrase is that she bore a son. . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

It is unlikely that Stevens is suggesting that non-emergency abortions after viability can be defended morally. This is not the logical conclusion of his exegesis.

The foregoing is more than enough to demonstrate the devastating effect of applying sound exegesis to the spurious use of the Scriptures to support a false religio-political ideology. There is much more, which is strongly recommended reading for its necessary educational value.

PROPAGANDA CONFIRMS THE UNDERLYING DOGMA AND STIRS UP EMOTIONS

The Roman Catholic hierarchy are masters of propaganda. The word derives from the propagation of the Catholic religion. By means of propaganda, Rome has kept the issue of abortion constant in the minds of Americans. There is one clever manipulation of language that has aroused intense strong emotions against ALL induced terminations of pregnancy. The following passage in The Abortion Controversy put it succinctly in a chapter titled "Efforts to Impose Dogma":

Those opposing abortion picked up on the choice language of the decision [Roe v. Wade] and agreed that women had a choice—a choice of whether to get pregnant or not. Once pregnancy occurred, choice ended. They also proclaimed loudly and clearly that while the members of the Court may not have known when life began, they did, and it was at conception. Language became a tool in the controversy in a most masterful manner. Scientific terms such as zygote, embryo, and fetus were readily replaced with the finished product—baby—and used at every stage of the pregnancy. Revisionism blurred distinctions and confused the public. And we can understand from personal experience that our conceived children were "babies"—at least to us. While not scientific, it satisfied our emotional needs, and it seemed natural. But to use such language when the debate on abortion raged only served to blur the white with the black and produce gray areas. (P. 3)

This propaganda has been very effective in blinding reason. This has made it very difficult for many who would otherwise have no affinity with Roman Catholic dogma to avoid being ensnared.

THE GREAT LIE OF THE DEVIL PASSED DOWN FROM THE GARDEN OF EDEN

The "pro-life" movement is a particularly effective purveyor of the first great lie of Satan. Assent to this lie is deadly at any time, but especially now when the final fate of believers is being determined in the closing work of Jesus Christ in the heavenly sanctuary. There will soon be no time left for recovery. Ellen G. White has written, "Through the two great errors, the immortality of the soul, and Sunday sacredness, Satan will bring the people under his deceptions. While the former lays the foundation of Spiritualism, the latter creates a bond of sympathy with Rome." (GC88 588.1). The evidence is conclusive that the dogma of the immortality of the soul is diabolically concealed in the "pro-life" movement by an almost irresistible play on the emotions of sincere Christians:-

A DECEPTIVE TERM MASKING A DEADLY THEOLOGICAL FALSEHOOD (ET AL.):-

The term "pro-life" is deceptive, conjuring up in the minds of sensitive men and women a living human being in the womb of a woman. Nevertheless, upon close examination it is also revealing. In reality the primary meaning of "life" in this context is not the cluster of living cells changing and developing in the woman's womb. It is the unbiblical dogma of an immortal soul, with the time of "ensoulment" determining when life begins. (Cf. Immortality? (SDA;) The origins of the doctrine of the “immortality of the soul” (Non-denominational. N.B. Citation does not imply support for any theology on the hyperlinked website contrary to the theology of Adventistlaymen.com) From the last citations, it is obvious that belief in the immortality of the soul is not unique to Roman Catholicism. In fact, there is "almost universal adherence to the immortality of the soul within contemporary Christendom" (The immortality of the soul: Could Christianity survive without it? (Part 1 of 2).) It has never been a part of Seventh-day Adventist theology; and happily there still remain some other Protestant denominations which have resisted this false theology.) Also, the concept of "ensoulment" is not unique to Roman Catholicism (Cf. The Breath of Life: Christian Perspectives on Conception and Ensoulment, by two Anglican essayists.) All of this emphasizes the mountain of false theology that confronts those who do not believe in the immortality of the soul. . .

THE COMPLEX PROBLEM OF ABORTION

Roman Catholic Teaching on Abortion

It seems to be almost universally assumed in public debate that the Roman Catholic position on abortion has always been clear, straightforward, and historically consistent. It is indeed true that the Roman Church has always condemned the vast majority of abortions, but this condemnation has over the years been made with greatly differing force, on the basis of a variety of reasons, and with a changing list of exceptions and qualifications. Catholic theologians have disputed at great length about the moral implications of Christianity, but many of their arguments, which have been highly influential in determining the development of the Church’s official doctrine, would probably now seem very questionable to many of those who nevertheless ascribe great authority to the current official position. This position is that the fetus is to be treated as a human person from the “first instant” of conception, and that abortion is therefore tantamount to homicide, excusable only in cases where it is an indirect effect of medical intervention whose direct intention is to save the mother’s life, as in the case of the removal of a Fallopian tube in an ectopic pregnancy, or the removal of a cancerous uterus. We shall see that it is far from clear whether modern Roman Catholics should feel themselves committed to endorsing such a doctrine. . .

The facts stated in the two passages above [these facts are not quoted in this extract; but cf. in full A DECEPTIVE TERM MASKING A DEADLY THEOLOGICAL FALSEHOOD (ET AL.)] reveal the arbitrary setting of spurious feast dates clashing with the theory of progressive ensoulment, and leading to the promulgation of the blasphemous dogma of the Immaculate Conception, absolutely without biblical foundation (Cf. Four Great Marian Dogmas.) How easily are those ensnared who abhor blasphemous Roman Catholic dogmas and yet are either active proponents of the anti-abortion movement or even simply assent to what it advocates!

The role of dogma in Rome's opposition to abortion is brought into sharp relief in the light of Pope Pius IX's biography:

Pope Pius IX (1792-1878)

Pope Pius IX was also highly involved in reforming church doctrine. His long time devotion to Mary led to the establishment of the dogma of Immaculate Conception of Mary on 8 December 1854. On 8 December 1869, Pope Pius IX opened the Vatican Counsel in the Basilica of St. Peter in Rome. Before the Counsel ended 8 July 1870, Pope Pius IX established the dogma of "papal infallibility,” which states that when speaking in terms of Church doctrine, the Pope speaks the truth with certainty.

Pope Pius IX challenged the canonical tradition about the beginning of ensouled life set by Pope Gregory XIV in 1591. He believed that while it may not be known when ensoulment occurs, there was the possibility that it happens at conception. Believing it was morally safer to follow this conclusion, he thought all life should be protected from the start of conception. In 1869 he removed the labels of “animated” fetus and “unanimated” fetus and concluded that abortions at any point of gestation were punishable by excommunication. While excommunication was used to punish those who procured abortions, it was not extended to those who used contraception.

Pope Pius IX, commonly known as Pio Nono, died on 7 February 1878. His was the longest papacy in the history of the Catholic Church, and Pope Pius IX is often considered one of the greatest popes to have ever lived. His dogma of Immaculate Conception, Vatican I, and papal infallibility were some of his most notable accomplishments. His efforts in punishing those that procured abortions at any time of gestation prevailed within the Catholic Church; excommunication for abortion became Canon Law in 1917, and later revised in 1983. (Underscored emphasis added.)

The foregoing are the irrefutable facts. The adoption of a religio-political "pro-life" position of necessity involves assent to the dogmas of Rome, including the great lie of the immortality of the soul.

HISTORICAL FACTS FROM THE PROTESTANT WORLD

Very significant historical facts have come to light in the course of researching the divisive issue of abortions, which have always been performed, whether or not prohibited by law. While the Roman Catholic Church has been consistent since the First Vatican Council (1869–70) in unqualifiedly opposing abortion at any time of gestation, Protestant church leaders tended to distance themselves from this extreme position. Indeed, it is surprising to learn that two members of the Presbyterian clergy, Landreth and Sandon, admitted publicly that they were actually helping women in Tallahassee, Florida, to obtain abortions:-

The Surprising Role of Clergy in the Abortion Fight Before Roe v. Wade

Landreth and Sandon’s abortion referral activities at Florida State University had drawn the attention and anger of a state senator and a district attorney who in turn denounced them in the press. After twice appearing before a grand jury, the clergymen worried that they would be charged and prosecuted.

But Landreth and Sandon were not alone. Their experiences reveal how, in the half-decade before Roe v. Wade, respected religious leaders participated in a nationwide struggle to make abortion more accessible. This largely forgotten history undercuts the popular myth that religious people oppose abortion rights. Fifty years ago this month, in May of 1967, as mainline Protestants and Reform Jews called for the liberalization of abortion laws, a group of clergy in New York City founded the Clergy Consultation Service on Abortion (CCS), an international network of clergy that helped women obtain legal and illegal abortions from licensed medical professionals. When Landreth spoke out, it was as part of CCS, which by then counted over 2,000 other ministers across the United States and Canada as members. . .

As trusted members of their communities to whom congregants turned for counseling, clergy witnessed a medical crisis unfolding because of restrictive abortion laws. In the 1950s and 1960s, prohibitions against abortion drove anywhere between 200,000 and 1.2 million women to obtain illegal abortions. By the end of 1972, the CCS had helped between a quarter and half a million women obtain safe legal and illegal abortions from physicians.

CCS members also demanded that their state legislators repeal abortion laws, and publicly testified for that cause. In 1968, Reverend Carl Bielby spoke with Michigan lawmakers who were conducting public hearings on that state’s abortion laws. Bielby was a leader of Michigan’s CCS. At the hearing he represented the Michigan Council of Churches’ position that, “as a matter of human right, each woman be given the control of her own body and procreative function, and that she has the moral responsibility and obligation for the just and sober stewardship thereof.” Likewise, Reverend Allen Hinand of the Philadelphia CCS proclaimed at a 1972 legislative hearing that it was time for women to “rise up and take control of a situation and a choice that belongs to them as females.”

Most importantly, CCS clergy emphasized that no single religion had a right to impose its religious values upon others. For these clergy, freedom of religion had to include freedom from those religious groups that sought to place restrictions on abortions.

Caught between these opposing positions, the Seventh-day Adventist Church long avoided taking an official position. The denomination in 1992 finally adopted what has been described as a centrist position which was both pro-life and pro-choice by Ronald L. Lawson, Ph.D.

COMPLICATED HISTORY OF SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST POSITION ON ABORTION

Dr. Lawson has published a comprehensive history on the subject of abortion in the Seventh-day Adventist Church which is an excellent means of understanding the Church's position prior to October of 2019. Hopefully Dr. Lawson's use of the term "pro-life" in describing the Church's centrist position is not synonymous with its religio-political meaning - i.e. "life begins at conception," which life is the implantation of an immortal soul:-

PRO-WHAT? Seventh-day Adventists and Abortion

Dr. Lawson's study is so lengthy and detailed that it is best summarized, with a minimum of quotations. Reading the full history is beneficial for understanding of the Church's evolution on the issue of abortion prior to October, 2019.

Quotation:

The Seventh-day Adventist Church is conservative in its interpretation of the Bible, and typically upholds conservative­ standards on “family” issues: it has, for example, adopted strict rules concerning divorce and remarriage and has stated that ­practicing homosexuals are not acceptable as members [Seventh-day­ Adventist Church Manual, 1990: 160]. However, it avoided recommending a position on abortion to its members, despite the ­sharpness of the debate over the issue within American society ­ and the relevance of the question to both its members and its ­hospitals, until the end of 1992. At that time, unlike many other ­conservative denominations, it adopted a statement that attempted to be both Pro-Life and Pro-Choice concurrently.

This paper examines the evolution of the abortion issue ­within the Adventist Church and the dynamics and significance of ­its recent resolution. It highlights the tensions between the conservative inclinations of Adventist theology and of the majority among its global membership and the demand for ­flexibility by its extensive and influential hospital system. . ."

Abortion was widespread in the U.S. in the nineteenth century–it is estimated that 20% of pregnancies ended in ­abortion. Around 1860 the medical profession launched a campaign ­to change this, in part to help establish their profession. Abortion was proscribed in 40 states between 1860 and 1880, and prohibition of it was universal by 1900 [Pearson, 1990:92-4].

Though Adventists were not involved in the crusade against abortion, they supported its stand. Both the Advent Review and­ Sabbath Herald, the in-house paper, and The Health Reformer, a ­missionary paper founded in 1866, carried articles warning against abortion, dubbing it “child murder” [Gainer, 1988:5,6; Pearson, 1990:100]. Once he became editor of The Health Reformer and chief of both the Battle Creek Sanitarium, the church’s first medical institution, and its fledgling medical school, Dr. John­ Harvey Kellogg echoed these views. For example, he dubbed America ­”a nation of murderers” [Pearson, 1990: 103].

Ellen White, the Adventist prophet, never addressed the issue directly – though it can be assumed that she was aware of it because of the strong stand taken by her protege, Dr. Kellogg, and because her husband included an article by a non-Adventist, Dr. E.P. Miller, railing against abortion, along with other sex-related articles by the prophet, in a book which he edited [White, 1870]. There is also considerable evidence that she would have found it morally repugnant. For example, she laid great­ emphasis on the importance of prenatal influences, and urged mothers to “consecrate their offspring to God, both before and after its birth” [cited Pearson, 1990:97].

Since the doctors’ crusade resulted in laws banning abortions, there was little controversy over the issue during the first six decades of the twentieth century. Adventists remained almost totally silent on the topic during that time. . .

Though we walk the fence, SDA’s lean towards abortion rather than against it. Because we realize we are confronted by big problems of hunger and over-population, we do not oppose family planning and appropriate endeavors to control population [quoted by Gainer, 1988: 13]. . ." [Cf. Spirit of Prophecy Policy on Family Planning.]

On May 13, 1970, the General Conference officers voted to­ accept “suggestive guidelines for therapeutic abortions,” the first formal pronouncement made by the Adventist church. The stated purpose of this document was to inform the policies of Adventist hospitals in the U.S. It permitted abortions, after ­consultation with two colleagues, during the first trimester under the following conditions:

1. When continuation of pregnancy may threaten the life of the woman or seriously impair her health.

2. When continuation of the pregnancy is likely to result in ­the birth of a child with grave physical deformities or mental retardation.

3. When conception has occurred as a result of rape or incest [Ministry, March 1971].

These conditions closely paralleled those put forward by the American Law Institute in its Model Penal Code, issued in 1959, ­in which it suggested reforms that would bring the law up to date­ with what was then the practice in most hospitals [Luker: 1984,­65, 278]. However, the situation in the U.S. had changed dramatically since that time. Consequently, when members of the Adventist medical community objected to the new guidelines on the grounds that they were inadequate, church leaders decided not to take them to the General Conference Session for approval.

Instead of this, the General Conference officers decided to enlarge the earlier abortion guidelines committee “to study what counsel should be given regarding elective abortions” [Minutes,­ July 6, 1970, quoted by Gainer, 1988: 16]." . . . (Underscored emphasis added).

[Here it should be noted that the Seventh-day Adventist Church operates the "largest Protestant integrated network of hospitals and clinics worldwide." This creates complications in providing comprehensive hospital services to communities in accordance with the laws of the land as distinct from Bible-based morality or non-biblical religious dogma.]

Summary

In July 1970­, R.R.Bietz, a vice president of the General Conference, met with leaders of the Hawaii hospital and later wrote in a letter that "several of the doctors using the hospital wished to do more than therapeutic abortions." If this were not allowed “chances are fairly good that they will take their patients [to other hospitals] for other treatments as well." [This was not necessarily a mercenary consideration. It is self-evident that loss of patients could reach a level which would force the closure of a hospital.]

"The situation was further complicated by the fact that several of­ the Adventist doctors were opposed to doing elective abortions . . ." The hospital administration needed the support of "the higher Church organization" to silence these physicians.

"In December 1970 the chief of staff of Castle Memorial Hospital wrote to the president of the General Conference to complain about the length of time that had elapsed without a decision." By this time there was reliable information that "a number of Adventist west coast hospitals had in their practice 'greatly liberalized' their definitions of therapeutic abortion."

In June, 1971, a new position covering both therapeutic and elective abortions was voted by the General Conference officers.

Quotation

The new position, entitled “Interruption of Pregnancy ­Statement of Principles” because it covered both therapeutic and elective abortions [N.C. Wilson to W.J. Blacker, July 13, 1971, cited by Gainer, 1988: 23], was finally voted by the General­ Conference officers on June 21, 1971. The need to consult with other physicians before conducting an abortion was removed, and the conditions under which abortion was acceptable were broadened considerably. Two of the original conditions were liberalized: ”seriously” was removed as a qualifier of a threat to “impair­ [the woman’s] health”, and “physical deformities and mental retardation” no longer had to be “grave.” Two additional conditions were added:

“When the case involves an unwed child under 15 years of age.”

“When for some reason the requirements of functional human life demand the sacrifice of the lesser potential human value” [Widmer,­1986: 15, emphasis supplied ] (Original.) . . .

In creating abortion guidelines for Adventist hospitals, church leaders had shown an astonishing eagerness to be in step with the changing climate of opinion [see, e.g., W.R. Beach to ­N.C.Wilson, March 8, 1971, cited by Gainer, 1988: 22]. In ­arriving at their position they had called for neither theological nor ethical studies, but had deferred to the judgment of their medical establishment, since “the performing of abortions” is “the proper business of responsible staffs of hospitals” [Ministry, March 1971, 10-11]. Moreover, they had granted the hospitals a high degree of autonomy in interpreting­ the guidelines as they developed their own policies. (Underscored emphasis added.) [Failure to call for theological and ethical studies was probably fatal. The ministry and the laity should have been educated by sound biblical exegesis. In particular, the existence of the deadly dogma of the immortality of the soul in the religio-political Pro-life movement should have been exposed.] . . .

Meanwhile, Adventist members received mixed messages from their church concerning abortion. Church periodicals broached the topic infrequently, but when they did so they were “markedly more conservative than the thinking represented in the General Conference Guidelines” [Pearson, 1990:123]. While an occasional article advocated a moderate position, allowing abortions in especially difficult situations [Londis, 1974], the vast majority adopted stances strongly opposing abortion [Dick, 1971; Gow, 1977; Drennan, 1977; Muller, 1985; Sabbath School Quarterly, ­August 1982]. However, advice to women from their pastors varied­ considerably [Sweem, 1988:14], and many of the young pregnant women who chose to utilize Adventist Adoption and Family Services reported that they had been strongly advised by college and academy deans of women, teachers and pastors to put the problem behind them by having an abortion [interview].

Some American Adventists became pro-life activists. . .

Survey data indicate that while there are deep divisions among Adventists in North America concerning abortion, a majority of the laity, in particular, express pro-life sentiments. . .

Thus, in spite of the fact that by the mid-1980s the Adventist church ran a network of over 400 health institutions ­globally and women members inevitably faced their share of crisis ­pregnancies, it did not have a consistent position on abortion, nor had it yet fostered any sustained discussion of the issue. Instead it drifted along according to local culture. Given this situation, and the increasingly bitter debate in society, it is not surprising that church leaders often stated that the church had avoided adopting a position . . .

The situation of drift changed dramatically in October 1985, when demonstrators representing conservative Christian churches picketed Washington Adventist Hospital, protesting its abortion program–an action which was reported in the Washington Post. In earlier years, when it was difficult to get an abortion at any hospital in or around Washington, a very liberal obstetrics group at WAH had felt they should provide abortions, and they had since done a lot [interview]. The demonstrators asserted that hospital records showed that 1,494 abortions had been performed there between 1975 and 1982. . .

The demonstration at WAH was especially embarrassing to church leaders because of its proximity to the General Conference and their sensitivity to the public image of the church in Washington. It took place at a time, during the Reagan administration, when abortion was at the center of public debate and the pro-life forces seemed to be on a roll politically.[The beginning of the ascendancy of the Church of Rome in America.] Adventist leaders, whose concern to be in step with public opinion on the issue from as early as 1970 was noted above, wondered whether they were now out of step with it. A chorus of­ lay people asked questions and began to apply pressure from varying points of view. The abortion issue was suddenly placed under close scrutiny within Adventism in North America. (Underscored emphasis added.) [Note the concern to be in step with public opinion, instead of finding out what the Bible sanctions.] . . .

Summary

The scrutiny involved four main thrusts:

First, the Church press addressed the issue systematically. "The Adventist Review published the core of both the 1970 and 1971 statements–the first time that any portion of the 1971­ guidelines appeared in print [Widmer, 1986:14-15], and the Review (Sept. 25, 1986), Insight, the magazine for youth [Jan.1988], and Ministry all attempted to run articles representing the differing opinions among Adventists. However, the latter two both continued to show sympathy to the pro-life position."

Second, "scholars began to research the issue of Adventist hospitals and abortion. [Note that once again the focus was not on exegesis of the Bible.]

Third, "the constituency meeting of the Potomac Conference, whose territory contained two hospitals, Washington Adventist Hospital and Shady Grove Adventist Hospital, which had been objects of pro-life protests, voted to form a study commission to examine abortion policies at the hospitals and records of the numbers and reasons for abortions there.

Fourth, the delegates to the study commission voted an appeal to the hospitals "to immediately adopt and implement abortion policies that institutionally prohibit abortions for social or economic reasons including convenience, birth control, gender selection, or avoidance of embarrassment; limiting the abortion procedure to those times when a pregnancy threatens the mother’s physical ­life, when the fetus is gravely abnormal, and in cases of rape or ­incest."

Fifth, and finally, "the Center for Christian Bioethics at Loma Linda­ University planned a conference for November 1988." This conference was entitled "Abortion: Ethical Issues and Options." This "spawned" action by the General Conference, and a committee was formed to address the issue. It is interesting that among the contributors to the committee's deliberations was John V. Stevens, Sr., who presented a paper to the committee, from which Lawson quotes as follows:

”The abortion issue is the catalyst to subject America, and indeed the world, to the papal ‘divine right of rule’ in all moral matters, social and religious, thus establishing its religion as the law of the land, and inflicting civil penalties on religious dissenters…. The abortion issue will likely serve as the needle ­that pulls behind it the thread of oppressive Sunday religious ­worship laws”

It is a certainty that Stevens must have gone into the issue in much greater detail. However, his own exegesis of the Bible is not mentioned by Lawson.

Ultimately the committee's work resulted in an official statement in 1992, titled “Guidelines on Abortion, "which was the Church's position until October, 2019.

Since the latest position was published, it is no longer possible to find the relevant page on the official Seventh-day Adventist website. However, Lawson provides the content, which is quoted in full:

The statement, as approved, begins by affirming the sanctity of life:

“Prenatal human life is a magnificent gift from God. God’s ideal for human beings affirms the sanctity of human life, in God’s image, and requires respect for prenatal life.”

While this does not necessarily exclude abortion, it means that

“Abortion is never an action of little moral consequence. Thus prenatal life must not be thoughtlessly destroyed. Abortion should be performed only for the most serious reasons.”

Item 4 considers abortion in greater detail:

“Abortions for reasons of birth control, gender selection, or convenience are not condoned by the church. Women …, however, may face exceptional circumstances…such as serious threats to a pregnant woman’s life, serious jeopardy to her health, severe congenital defects carefully diagnosed in the fetus, and pregnancy resulting from rape or incest. The final decision whether to terminate the pregnancy or not should be made by the pregnant woman after appropriate consultation.”

Therefore, (5) because Christians are accountable before God, ”any attempt to coerce women either to remain pregnant or to terminate pregnancy should be rejected as infringements of personal freedom;” and (2),

“the church should offer gracious support to those who personally face the decision concerning an abortion. Attitudes of condemnation are inappropriate.”

Item (3) attempts to bring life and choice together: “In practical, tangible ways the church as a supportive community should express its commitment to the value of human life” – including “educating both genders concerning Christian principles of human sexuality, emphasizing responsibility of both male and female for family planning,…offering support and assistance to women who choose to complete crisis pregnancies… the church also should commit itself to assist in alleviating the unfortunate social, economic, and psychological factors that may lead to abortion.

Since these principles are relevant to Adventist hospitals, “(6) Church institutions should be provided with guidelines for developing their own institutional policies in harmony with this statement. Persons having a religious or ethical objection to abortion should not be required to participate in the performance ­of abortions."[5][Adventist­ Review, Dec.31, 1992:11-12]

By trying to straddle the fence – making the fetus significant, yet allowing a woman the right to choose - to keep Adventists together, the committee created some ambiguity. Consequently, while Whiting held that the committee had arrived at “a modified pro-life stand” [interview], Winslow described it as “ultimately pro-choice, since its bottom line is that the pregnant woman must decide. It places emphasis on the value of life, but this is limited to persuasion” [Winslow, 1991].

Under a paragraph titled "Interpretation," Lawson states:

Because of its sectarian roots and conservative theology and view of the Scriptures, many would expect the Seventh-day Adventist Church to adopt an uncompromising pro-life position. However, although surveys confirm that a majority of members in ­he U.S. do lean in that direction and that globally Adventists are strongly opposed to abortion, Adventists have never adopted the expected position. It has been shown that while America argued and anguished over abortion policy for over twenty years, the Adventist church failed to give guidance to members wrestling with personal decisions over problem or unwanted pregnancies and allowed a permissive policy within its hospital system. When it finally addressed the issue in 1992, the church issued guidelines to its members which affirmed the value of the life of a fetus and strongly discouraged abortions for trivial reasons, but left the ultimate decision to the pregnant woman. Meanwhile, however, an attempt to issue a companion statement which would have had the effect of bringing unity of practice to Adventist hospitals by eliminating abortions of convenience has apparently been diverted.

After his interpretation, Lawson provides an analysis of "the reasons for the complexity of the current situation," which it is not necessary to include here.

The following is a 1988 Ministry article which appears to be one of those which indicated sympathy for the "pro-life" position:

Abortion: the Adventist dilemma

Note the following passage:

The Adventists' dilemma is compounded by the fact that the major sources to which they normally turn for direction in matters of faith and practice the Scriptures and the writings of Ellen White are silent, or at least less than unequivocal about abortion. Some have argued cogently that there is an anti-abortion ethic implicit in Scripture. A recent MINISTRY article, containing a careful interpretation of Exodus 21:22, 23, was a persuasive example of this viewpoint. . .

Ellen White's writings are equally in conclusive [S/B inconclusive.] It is not difficult to select quotations from her writings to support the view that abortion violates the purpose of God, and as such is a sinful act. The following is but one example: "Life is mysterious and sacred. It is the manifestation of God Himself, the source of all life. Precious are its opportunities, and earnestly should they be improved. Once lost, they are gone forever. . . . [The author's ellipsis.]

"God looks into the tiny seed that He Himself has formed, and sees wrapped within it the beautiful flower, the shrub, or the lofty, wide-spreading tree. So does He see the possibilities in every human being."

It is safe to conjecture that Ellen White found abortion a deeply repugnant act. It is interesting, however, that she refrained from condemning it, even though it was of widespread concern in society in her day. While there are, no doubt, perfectly adequate reasons that she omitted any reference to abortion in her work, the point here is simply that at no time did Ellen White directly address the issue in a way that could supply a norm for Adventists.

Thus an editorial writer in the Adventist Review was prompted to observe that "our church leaders have noted that neither the Bible nor Ellen White say any thing definite about elective abortion. They have felt that where Inspiration is silent, we should not legislate." . . .

What elements in Adventist theology might figure in the abortion decision? The doctrine of conditional mortality is clearly relevant to the debate, though surprisingly little has been said about it in Adventist publications. The Catholic view that a soul is infused into the embryo at conception, and that it, as an inheritor of original sin, must not be allowed to perish without baptism, clearly dictates a certain course of action. In contrast, Adventists believe neither that there exists a separate entity called a soul, nor that baptism is essential to salvation. They prefer to say that man "becomes a soul" rather than that he "possesses a soul." Soul is therefore understood to mean both "life" and "individuality." This then allows them to say that "a new soul comes into existence every time a child is born." which might seem to permit some concession to the abortion option.

On the other hand, this view of humanity means that a soul cannot exist without a body. Possessing a body material entity is part of what it means to be a soul. Thus it could be argued that since a material entity with a unique genetic inheritance is formed at conception, a soul exists from that point and absolute value should be attached to it.

Adventist doctrine overlaps with the abortion issue at several other points, and we as a church can only acknowledge our delinquency in failing to chart the area more adequately.(Underscored emphasis added.)

Note what the author states about Exodus 21:22-23: "Some have argued cogently that there is an anti-abortion ethic implicit in Scripture. A recent MINISTRY article, containing a careful interpretation of Exodus 21:22, 23, was a persuasive example of this viewpoint." Compare this with the exegesis of John V. Stevens above. Moreover the case in the Bible of expressly authorized abortion of a fetus is completely ignored.

To the author's credit, he acknowledges that "at no time did Ellen White directly address the issue in a way that could supply a norm for Adventists."

Exceptionally, the author has something to say about the issue of mortality and immortality; and he acknowledges that "The doctrine of conditional mortality is clearly relevant to the debate, though surprisingly little has been said about it in Adventist publications." This has been a fatal deficiency in the Church's consideration of the status of a fetus.

In spite of their much vaunted reliance on the writings of Ellen G. White for guidance, it is clear that they are ignoring her warning. The Seventh-day Adventist Church has not taken the deadly peril of the Immortality of the Soul dogma seriously. That this dogma is the central underpinning of the "Pro-life" movement is irrefutably established:

THE SEVENTH-DAY CHURCH BENDS TO THE PREVAILING WINDS

Seventh-day Adventists are not immune to diabolical propaganda. Our only protection is in the Word of God. The following warning of Ellen G. White fits the circumstances of the abortion controversy, in which the propaganda plays upon valid moral convictions and reactive emotions:

To the law and to the testimony: if they speak not according to this word, it is because there is no light in them." Isaiah 8:20. The people of God are directed to the Scriptures as their safeguard against the influence of false teachers and the delusive power of spirits of darkness. Satan employs every possible device to prevent men from obtaining a knowledge of the Bible; for its plain utterances reveal his deceptions. At every revival of God's work the prince of evil is aroused to more intense activity; he is now putting forth his utmost efforts for a final struggle against Christ and His followers. The last great delusion is soon to open before us. Antichrist is to perform his marvelous works in our sight. So closely will the counterfeit resemble the true that it will be impossible to distinguish between them except by the Holy Scriptures. . . (Great Controversy, p. 593.)

The tragic reality for too many of both lay members and the ministry of the world community of Seventh-day Adventists is that the propaganda has prevailed to obscure the distinction between the counterfeit and the true. They have not delved deeply enough into the Holy Scriptures to perceive the distinction. Superficial reading of the Bible will not provide the answer to the abortion controversy. Fifty years of progressive departure from the fundamental doctrines of the Advent Movement have come to this pass - that 2 Thess. 2:10-12 applies.

Bible texts are now being misapplied to bolster preconceived notions derived from the propaganda - the great lie. This is reflected in the agitation which culminated in the Annual Council meeting of the Executive Committee of the Seventh-day Adventist Church in October, 2019:-

Amidst Growing Criticism, SDA Church Is Revisiting Abortion Position (update)

When it comes to abortion, Seventh-day Adventists range from providers to prominent pro-life advocates. Now the 21-million-member denomination is revisiting its position on the controversial issue.

The Seventh-day Adventist Church has announced that it is considering revisiting its pro-choice stance on the topic of abortion. According to a press release issued on August 29, the denomination's Biblical Research Institute (BRI) has been studying the issue from a theological perspective for the last two years.

BRI has prepared a statement that "reflects Scriptural principles bearing on the discussion of abortion." The issue has been intensely debated in the church as some institutions have recognized the contributions of Adventist physicians who operate abortion clinics while other high-profile physicians have taken a strong stance against abortion. . .

The debate over the church's affiliation with the abortion industry became intense in 2013 when Christianity Today reported that La Sierra University, a 2,400-student Adventist liberal arts college in Riverside, California, had named its Center for Financial Literacy after Dr. Edward C. Allred Allred was the founder of Family Planning Associates, one of the largest abortion chains in the United States with 23 locations in California. According to the La Sierra University website, Allred, an active member of the Seventh-day Adventist Church, is "both the principal sponsor of the center and the inspiration behind its economic philosophy." According to the Family Planning Associates website Allred's business partner, Dr. Kenneth Wright, "pioneered the use of saline amniocentesis, a technique for terminating pregnancy safely in the second trimester." . . .

In contrast, Dr. Ben Carson, who currently serves as Secretary of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, spent his career before politics performing life-saving procedures on babies in the womb. As the Director of Pediatric Neurosurgery at Johns Hopkins Hospital in Maryland from 1984 to 2013, he performed the first successful neurosurgical procedure on a fetus inside the womb. Dr. Carson is also an outspoken pro-life advocate.

Pro-life Adventist Ben Carson Pioneered Neurosurgery Inside the Womb

Earlier this year, Carson gave an interview at CPAC 2019 about the subject of abortion,

"God has orchestrated an incredible situation where the egg and the sperm come together, and within a matter of 10 to 12 weeks, you can see the little fingers and the little toes, and the little nose, and the face, the heart is starting to beat," Carson said. "It's absolutely amazing."
"And then (the brain) goes on to develop very rapidly from there. Hundreds of thousands of neurons every single day… I've had the privilege of being able to operate on little babies that were 25, 26, 27, 28 weeks' gestation. I can guarantee you, they can feel, they can react… You have to give them anesthesia if you're going to cut them. They can also respond to comfort and to warmth."

"For somebody to say that's a meaningless bunch of cells," Carson said, "honestly is just totally ignorant.". . .

In 1985, protesters from a local megachurch gathered outside two Adventist hospitals in the Washington, DC area to protest abortion, according to the Washington Post. . .

While the church's official publications have avoided discussion of the abortion issue, pro-life Adventists have taken to the Internet to call on the church to revisit its position.

Jamey Houghton, the pastor of the Franktown Adventist Church in Colorado, wrote,

"With the evidence in Scripture and the Spirit of Prophecy, as a Seventh-day Adventist Christian, I have no choice but to be in favor of supporting the lives of the unborn if I am to stay faithful to God's word."

Adventist pastor and WhiteHorse Media director Steve Wolhberg released a 13-part television series entitled "The Abortion Controversy: Two Women Tell Their Stories of Hope and Healing." He has recently made the series available on YouTube.

Last month, Scott Ritsema, director of Belt of Truth Ministries, released a video, "Abortion: Are Seventh-day Adventists Pro-Life?" (YouTube), featuring prominent church leaders, including It is Written speaker John Bradshaw, General Conference President Ted Wilson, Pastor Doug Batchelor, and other key evangelists discussing their support of a pro-life position. . .

Last year, Adventist author Martin Weber, D.Min., and former associate editor of Ministry Magazine gave several reasons why he believes the denomination should revisit its guidelines in the North Pacific Union Gleaner . . .

Here it is worthy of note who Dr. Ben Carson really is! Consider Carson's opposition to separation of church and state and his support of the Religious Right claim that America was founded as a "Christian" nation, which is a historical falsehood. Ben Carson is a theocrat. It is noteworthy that he offers no scriptural basis for his position. Indeed, as The Abortion Controversy establishes by objective exegesis of the Bible, the issue cannot be safely resolved by passages of Scripture which only establish general principles of life. This is so especially since there are two specific references to aborting the fetus in the Bible. Ben Carson's description of the development of a fetus is an example of the persuasive power of imagery in the abortion controversy. It is worthy of note that those who support freedom of choice do not claim that at all stages of development the fetus is just "a meaningless bunch of cells."

As to the Biblical Research Institute, the motivation of this "think-tank" of the Seventh-day Adventist Church can be deduced from their engaging in dialogue with theologians of the Church of Rome as long ago as 2002. Notwithstanding the reason offered for the dialogue, it was a compromise of the Seventh-day Adventist Church's fundamental Bible-based antipathy towards the papacy. Of great significance is BRIs position on ecumenism, which is antithetical to the foundation principles of the Advent Movement:

Adventists and Ecumenical Conversation

The Seventh-day Adventist Church does not exist in isolation from other Christian communities. Social and religious trends in the Christian world impact us; they force us to decide how we should relate to those trends and changes. The Christian concern about the unity of the church, voiced particularly through the World Council of Churches, forces us to define where we stand on this important subject. Certainly, “no Adventist can be opposed to the unity Christ Himself prayed for.”

This article looks at the nature of Seventh-day Adventist involvement in the search for unity among Christians, as well as the doctrinal and theological parameters within which we operate in that search. It also briefly discusses the risks and benefits present in the conversations with other Christian bodies. . .

There is much debate in the ecumenical movement about church unity. Traditionally that unity has been understood as “agreement in the confession of the faith and mutuality in the sacraments and in the ecclesiastical office (ministry), common worship life in prayer, common witness and common service to all human beings, the ability to act and speak together in view of the concrete tasks and challenges, the local as well as the universal dimension of the ecclesiastical unity, unity as well as diversity.”

This far-reaching understanding of unity is incompatible with Adventist self-understanding, especially as Adventists see themselves called into being to be a reformation movement based on a particular prophetic role. The kind of unity expressed in the above statement ignores the damage that apostasy has inflicted on Christianity and, consequently, does not attempt to remedy it.

Hence Adventists are reluctant to be officially involved in the organized ecumenical movement.

Three specific models for unity have been proposed in ecumenical circles.

The first one, the Cooperative-Federal Model, is considered the most elemental type in that it does not address topics like communion of faith, worship, sacraments, and ministry. These are issues of great concern in the ecumenical movement (which is why some people refuse to call it a model of Christian unity).

This “model "consists in the development of a confederation or alliance of churches in order to work together on common interests. The identity and autonomy of each church is preserved and respected. Adventists have remained open to possible involvement in such a federation because it does not threaten the church’s message and mission. This is particularly the case in France, with our participation in the French Protestant Federation. . . (Underscored emphasis added.)

Risks

The Adventist involvement in interfaith conversations has never had the purpose of seeking unity with other ecclesiastical bodies. We have used such conversations as a means of sharing our true identity and mission with others, and as a way of eliminating misunderstanding and prejudices against us.

In that task the Council on Interchurch/Faith Relations of the General Conference has performed a significant role; it has been of great service to the Adventist Church and has represented it with dignity and respect. . .

Benefits

Despite the potential dangers, meetings with other Christians also come with potential benefits. Therefore we should not discourage, formally or informally, approaching other Christians and even non-Christian religions. . .

At such meetings we come to know each other much better and occasionally sensitive questions are asked behind the scenes, on the basis of the developing friendship. It is safe to say that these important questions would almost certainly not be asked in the more formal setting of the main meetings. Here witnessing takes a personal dimension at a moment when confrontation is at its lowest point. . .

Conclusion

Adventists have not isolated themselves from the Christian world and its search for unity. We have been selectively involved in conversations with other religious communities, not because we want to pursue unity on their terms, but because we want to make ourselves known and, at the same time, eliminate misconception. (Underscored emphasis supplied.)

What a self-deception it is to think that dialogue with apostates to gain their favor could be pleasing in the sight of God! Ellen G. White predicted the result:-

The heavenly Teacher inquired: "What stronger delusion can beguile the mind than the pretense that you are building on the right foundation and that God accepts your works, when in reality you are working out many things according to worldly policy and are sinning against Jehovah? Oh, it is a great deception, a fascinating delusion, that takes possession of minds when men who have once known the truth, mistake the form of godliness for the spirit and power thereof; when they suppose that they are rich and increased with goods and in need of nothing, while in reality they are in need of everything." . . .

Who can truthfully say: "Our gold is tried in the fire; our garments are unspotted by the world"? I saw our Instructor pointing to the garments of so-called righteousness. Stripping them off, He laid bare the defilement beneath. Then He said to me: "Can you not see how they have pretentiously covered up their defilement and rottenness of character? 'How is the faithful city become an harlot!' My Father's house is made a house of merchandise, a place whence the divine presence and glory have departed! For this cause there is weakness, and strength is lacking." . . . (Testimonies for the Church, Vol. 8, Pp. 249-250)

We have seen this come to pass. If "the divine presence and glory have departed," how in the world can the deluded leaders of the Church withstand the guiles of Satan, whose power "now to tempt and deceive is ten-fold greater than it was in the days of the apostles?" The point cannot be over-emphasized that it is the Holy Spirit alone Who guides us into all Truth! The opposite is happening in the Seventh-day Adventist Church:

There will be seducing spirits and doctrines of devils in the midst of the church, and these evil influences will increase; but hold fast the beginning of your confidence firm unto the end.--Ms 61, 1906, p. 2. ("Hold Fast the Beginning of Your Confidence," June 29, 1906.) (8MR 345.2)

How many Seventh-day Adventists take this warning seriously? It requires acute alertness at a time when the condition of the laity is one of careless indifference to sound exegesis of the Bible.

ENSNARED BY THE ARCHDECEIVER

Before proceeding to consideration of the October 16, 2019, Statement of the Seventh-day Adventist Church Executive Committee, here is a brief look at three subsequent reports, all non-Adventist:-

BREAKING: Adventist Church approves pro-life position on abortion

On October 16, 2019, the Executive Committee of the Seventh-day Adventist Church voted at its Annual Council meeting [see Video] to adopt the position that "[t]he Seventh-day Adventist Church considers abortion out of harmony with God's plan for human life." The newly adopted position statement affirms that "God considers the unborn child as human life" and that "the principle to preserve life enshrined in the sixth commandment places abortion within its scope."
The document also states that "Life is protected by God. It is not measured by individuals' abilities or their usefulness, but by the value that God's creation and sacrificial love has placed on it. Personhood, human value, and salvation are not earned or merited but graciously granted by God." . . .

The adoption of a pro-life position does not imply that the denomination will become active in civil legislation on abortion-related issues but does provide internal guidance for church members and institutions. (Underscored emphasis added.)

Ironically, this report appears on a "Religious Liberty" website; but harmonizes with the Religious Right's activism for their brand of "Religious Freedom," which denies that of those who do not agree with them. Grotesquely, the website belongs to "Founders First Freedom," an atheist organization. This brings to mind Ellen G. White's warning that the "great error" of the immortality of the soul "lays the foundation of Spiritualism."

Seventh-Day Adventist Church Adopts Pro-Life Position: Abortion is “Out of Harmony With God’s Plan

The Seventh-Day Adventist Church confirmed its solidly pro-life position in a vote Wednesday during its annual council meeting in Maryland.

The Christian denomination declared abortion to be “out of harmony with God’s plan for human life in a new position statement approved by its executive committee, Religious Liberty TV reports.

The statement of belief affirms the value of babies in the womb and condemns abortion as murder under the sixth commandment. It states that “God considers the unborn child as human life,” and “the principle to preserve life enshrined in the sixth commandment places abortion within its scope.”

Some mainline Protestant denominations have abandoned Christian teachings on the sanctity of human life, but others, including the Catholic Church and Seventh-Day Adventists, hold strong to the core belief that every human life is valuable because he/she is created in the image of God. (Underscored emphasis added.)

Seventh-day Adventist Church Releases Official Statement: “Abortion is out of harmony with God’s plan”

In a statement released by its executive committee, the Seventh-day Adventist Church took a strong pro-life stance during its Annual Council in Maryland.

The four-page document states “human beings are created in the image of God” and “abortion is out of harmony with God’s plan.” No previous statement on the sanctity of preborn life had been written before this, according to the Adventist News Network. The last time guidelines on abortion had been established by the church was in 1992. Adventist World Church President, Ted N.C. Wilson said the 1992 guidelines gave a “far more limited approach in terms of a comprehensive view of the Biblical approach to this precious subject.

The statement released by the Seventh-day Adventist Church takes the position that every child should be “loved, valued and nurtured even before birth.” Quoting from the biblical books of Genesis, John, Psalms, and Jeremiah, the statement outlines “life is a gift from God,” sacred and important. It goes on to give biblical proof that God considers the “unborn child as a human life.” (Underscored emphasis added.)

These non-Adventist websites are telling us that they understand perfectly the Seventh-day Adventist Church's unequivocal commitment to their ideology and all that it necessitates, although the first one cited does not expect the Church to become activist. Clearly assent to the ideology in which the immortality of the soul is central and indispensable is all that is required for their approbation.

The new statement of the Seventh-day Adventist Church on abortion follows precisely in the path of the Evangelicals, who for religio-political reasons decided to adopt the Roman Catholic position, which is entirely based on tradition. The Evangelicals then sought to find biblical justification for this decision. The Seventh-day Adventist Church has done the same, with the embellishment of numerous Bible texts on the general principles of life, quoted on the presupposition that the fetus is a life in being at all stages of development:-

STATEMENT ON THE BIBLICAL VIEW OF UNBORN LIFE 3AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR ABORTION

Statement on the Biblical View of Unborn Life and Its Implications for Abortion . . .

This statement affirms the sanctity of life and presents biblical principles bearing on abortion. As used in this statement, abortion is defined as any action aimed at the termination of a pregnancy and does not include the spontaneous termination of a pregnancy, known also as a miscarriage. . .

2. God considers the unborn child as human life. Prenatal life is precious in God’s sight, and the Bible describes God’s knowledge of people before they were conceived. “Your eyes saw my substance, being yet unformed. And in Your book they all were written, the days fashioned for me, when as yet there were none of them” (Psalm 139:16) [Cf. Stevens' exegesis.] In certain cases, God directly guided prenatal life. Samson was to “be a Nazirite to God from the womb” (Judges 13:5). [Cf. Stevens' reference.] The servant of God is “called from the womb” (Isaiah 49:1, 5). [Cf. Stevens' exegesis.] Jeremiah was already chosen as a prophet before his birth (Jeremiah 1:5), [Cf. Stevens' exegesis,] as was Paul (Galatians 1:15), [Cf. Commentaries; (Bible Hub Commentaries)] and John the Baptist was to “be filled with the Holy Spirit, even from his mother’s womb” (Luke 1:15). [Cf. SDA Bible Commentary and Stevens Exegesis.] Of Jesus the angel Gabriel explained to Mary: “therefore the child to be born will be called holy— the Son of God” (Luke 1:35). [Cf. Stevens' exegesis.] In His Incarnation Jesus Himself experienced the human prenatal period and was recognized as the Messiah and Son of God soon after His conception (Luke 1:40-  45). The Bible already attributes to the unborn child joy (Luke 1:44) [Cf. Stevens' exegesis.] and even rivalry (Genesis 25:21-23). Those not-yet-born have a firm place with God (Job 10:8-12; 31:13-15). [Cf. Stevens' exegesis.] Biblical law shows a strong regard for protecting human life and considers harm to or the loss of a baby or mother as a result of a violent act a serious issue (Exodus 21:22-23) [Exaggerated interpretation which distorts the true meaning of the text; Cf. Stevens' exegesis.] . . .

4. God is the Owner of life, and human beings are His stewards. Scripture teaches 2 that God owns everything (Psalm 50:10-12). God has a dual claim on humans. They are His 3 because He is their Creator and therefore He owns them (Psalm 139:13-16). They are also His because He is their Redeemer and has bought them with the highest possible price—His own life (1 Corinthians 6:19-20). This means that all human beings are stewards of whatever God has entrusted to them, including their own lives, the lives of their children, and the unborn. . .

5. The Bible teaches care for the weak and the vulnerable. God Himself cares for those who are disadvantaged and oppressed and protects them. He “shows no partiality nor takes 1 a bribe. He administers justice for the fatherless and the widow, and loves the stranger, giving  him food and clothing” (Deuteronomy 10:17-18, cf. Psalm 82:3-4; James 1:27). He does not hold children accountable for the sins of their fathers (Ezekiel 18:20). God expects the same of His children. They are called to help vulnerable people and ease their lot (Psalm 41:1; 82:3-4; Acts 20 20:35). Jesus speaks of the least of His brothers (Matthew 25:40), for whom His followers are responsible, and of the little ones who should not be despised or lost (Matthew 18:10-14). The very youngest, namely the unborn, should be counted among them. . .

Implications

The Seventh-day Adventist Church considers abortion out of harmony with God’s plan for human life. It affects the unborn, the mother, the father, immediate and extended family members, the church family, and society with long-term consequences for all. Believers aim to  trust God and follow His will for them, knowing He has their best interests in mind.

While not condoning abortion, the Church and its members are called to follow the example of Jesus, being “full of grace and truth” (John 1:14), to (1) create an atmosphere of true love and provide grace-filled, biblical pastoral care and loving support to those facing difficult decisions regarding abortion; (2) enlist the help of well-functioning and committed families and educate them to provide care for struggling individuals, couples, and families; (3) encourage church members to open their homes to those in need, including single parents, parentless children, and adoptive or foster care children; (4) care deeply for and support in various ways pregnant women who decide to keep their unborn children; and (5) provide emotional and  spiritual support to those who have aborted a child for various reasons or were forced to have an  abortion and may be hurting physically, emotionally, and/or spiritually.

The issue of abortion presents enormous challenges, but it gives individuals and the Church the opportunity to be what they aspire to be, the fellowship of brothers and sisters, the community of believers, the family of God, revealing His immeasurable and unfailing love. . .

Only paragraphs in which the pro-lifers' catch phrases could be found have been quoted above. All of the paragraphs of the Statement except "2. God considers the unborn child as human life" are  general biblical principles with no specific application to abortion. Paragraph "2. God considers the unborn child as human life" is the one which follows the path of the Evangelicals in eisegetical application of certain passages of Scripture to the abortion controversy. (Ref. John V. Stevens' exegeses inserted within Paragraph 2 above.) The Bible texts which are not analyzed by Stevens do not support the findings of the BRI.

On Judges 13:5 - "from the womb" is not defined by the Bible Commentaries.

On Isaiah 49:1, 5 - "from the womb" is similarly not defined. However, some apply verse 5 as a Messianic prophecy, and Jesus is unique because of Christ's pre-existence.

On Galatians 1:15, - respected Bible Commentaries expressly contradict the application made by the BRI. On the expository side, Ellicott's Commentary for English Readers states:

From my mother’s womb.—A comparison of other passages where this phrase is used seems to make it clear that the sense is rather “from the moment of my birth” than “from before my birth.” (See Psalm 22:10; Isaiah 49:1; Isaiah 49:5; Matthew 19:12; Acts 3:2; Acts 14:8.) From the moment that he became a living and conscious human being he was marked out in the purpose of God for his future mission.

Meyer's NT Commentary states:

ὁ ἀφορίσας με ἐκ κοιλίας μητρός μου] who separated me, that is, in His counsel set me apart from other men for a special destination, from my mother’s womb; that is, not in the womb (Wieseler); nor, from the time when I was in the womb (Hofmann, comp. Möller); nor, ere I was born (Rückert); but, as soon as I had issued from the womb, from my birth. Comp. Psalm 22:11; Isaiah 44:2; Isaiah 49:1; Isaiah 49:5; Matthew 19:12; Acts 3:2; Acts 14:8 (in Luke 1:15, where ἔτι is added, the thought is different). ἐκ γενετῆς, John 9:1, has the same meaning. Comp. the Greek ἐκ γαστρός, and the like. We must not assume a reference to Jeremiah 1:5 (Grotius, Semler, Reithmayr, and others), for in that passage there is an essentially different definition of time (πρὸ τοῦ με πλάσαι σε ἐν κοιλίᾳ κ.τ.λ.).

Expositor's Greek Testament states:

Galatians 1:15. ἀφορίσας. Paul looks back on his parentage and early years as a providential preparation for his future ministry: this view is justified by his antecedents. By birth at once a Hebrew, a Greek and Roman citizen, educated in the Hebrew Scriptures and in Greek learning, he combined in his own person the most essential requisites for an Apostle to the Gentiles. He was further moulded by the spiritual discipline of an intense, though mistaken, zeal for the Law of his God, which issued in bitter remorse. By this career he was fitted to become a chosen vessel to bear the name of Christ before the Gentile world. He did not hesitate accordingly to regard himself, like Hebrew prophets of old (Isaiah 49:1; Isaiah 49:5, Jeremiah 1:5), as dedicated from his birth to the service of God.

Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges states:

separated me … womb] ‘Set me apart from my birth,’ comp. Jeremiah 1:5. The good pleasure was from all eternity, the setting apart was at birth, the call was on the road to Damascus, the revelation, then and subsequently.

Other commentaries such as Barnes' Notes on the Bible, and Gill's Exposition of the Entire Bible similarly explain the meaning of the term "from my mother's womb" to mean from birth. Note the linkage to Jeremiah 1:5 in the passages quoted above.

On Luke 1:15, - It is noteworthy that the BRI ignored the Seventh-day Adventist Bible Commentary (1956,) which states:

From his mother's womb. John's very existence was due to the will and power of God, and not of man. He came into the world with his assigned lifework, and was to be dedicated to God from the very first. It was possible for the Holy Spirit to "fill" John from birth because the Spirit had first been able to fill John's mother Elisabeth, directing and controlling her life. (Underscored emphasis supplied; cf. "John the Baptist . .")

As John V. Stevens pointed out, "since God predicted the birth and life of some persons, it is automatically assumed that they already exist somewhere other than on the earth." In other words, the assumption is clearly based on the idea of an immortal soul. The BRI has followed the Evangelicals by quoting Bible texts that make such predictions in support of the "pro-life" position. By so doing, they have endorsed the dogma of the immortality of the soul even before joining in the egregious error of attributing personhood to the fetus.

Having laid a very lengthy foundation, it is unnecessary to go into further examination of the October 16, 2019, statement of the Seventh-day Adventist Church's Executive Committee. "Res ipsa loquitur" ("the thing speaks for itself." It is clear that the Church has capitulated to Rome and all of her dogmas related to abortion. The document is spotted with the terminology of Rome and the Religious Right, as demonstrated by the underscored text above.

"It is the rejection of Bible truth which makes men approach to infidelity. It is a backsliding church that lessens the distance between itself and the Papacy." Ellen G. White, The Signs of the Times, Feb. 19, 1894.

One thing it is certain is soon to be realized,--the great apostasy, which is developing and increasing and waxing stronger, and will continue to do so until the Lord shall descend from heaven with a shout. (NYI, February 7, 1906 par. 1)

 


 

BOOKMARKS

DONALD TRUMP'S LIES

Trump surpasses 15,000 false and misleading claims in office after lying more than ever in 2019

President Donald Trump has lied more than ever this year as he faces impeachment, bringing the total number of false and misleading claims he has made in office to more than 15,000, according to The Washington Post’s fact-checkers.

Trump developed a penchant for making blatantly false statements as a candidate and quickly piled up nearly 2,000 false or misleading claims in his first year in office, according to The Post. He annihilated that mark in 2018 with 5,689 false or misleading statements in 2018. Facing an impeachment in the House of Representatives and derision and mockery abroad, Trump has already made 7,725 false or misleading statements so far in 2019, bringing his grand total to 15,413 during 1,055 days in office.

The number of false claims peaked in October and November, as House Democrats moved forward with an investigation that saw numerous administration officials defy Trump’s orders and testify to lawmakers. The only month when Trump made more false claims was in October 2018, before the Democrats won a majority in the House of Representatives. . .

AGENCIES OF PROPAGANDA

Fox News, Trump’s Ministry of Propaganda

For nearly a quarter of American adults, Fox News is their only cable news source. It tells them what Trump wants them to hear.

How prepared are President Donald Trump’s adversaries to deal with the reality of a lavishly produced state media operation? This, the most-watched cable news network, functions in its fealty to Trump like a real-world Ministry of Truth from George Orwell’s 1984, where bureaucrats “rectify” the historical record to conform to Big Brother’s decrees.

I am referring, of course, to Rupert Murdoch’s Fox News. Having unsuccessfully tried to sell itself as “Fair and Balanced,” Fox News debuted a new brand in March 2018: “Real News. Real Honest Opinion.” Network executives apparently chose this slogan to differentiate themselves from “fake news” outlets—and, no doubt, to dog-whistle a pledge of allegiance to their commander-in-chief, who since being sworn into office has decried fake news in at least 630 tweets (as of Dec. 4, 2019). . .

It seems Hannity and Trump have studied the texts of the 20th century’s master of indoctrination, who wrote in his 1925 autobiographical manifesto, Mein Kampf, “The most brilliant propagandist technique will yield no success unless one fundamental principle is borne in mind constantly—it must confine itself to a few points and repeat them over and over.” . . .

In Propaganda We Trust: America's Terrifying Propaganda Affair

In 2013, a law was silently left to lapse. Now, America's propaganda affair is causing civil unrest.
These days, one memory stands out more than most others when it comes to our education. Most of us, when we were kids in school, were forced to read George Orwell's 1984as part of our English Lit education.

In 1984, a tyrannical government uses propaganda to brainwash people. Things that were printed months ago were immediately glossed over or changed by news groups at the behest of the government. At the end of the book, it becomes clear that the world was a dystopia where no one knew what was real anymore.

Little did we know that art would imitate life so quickly. Today, we live in a time when people question news sources, politicians discuss "alternative facts," and the White House no longer admits any wrongdoing despite ample evidence to the contrary. Many people are quite vocal about their support of right-wing policies. They regularly vote against their own interests, attack those who are different from them, and refuse to look at the science-backed facts. . .

Right before Trump's victory in 2016, voters all just assumed that Clinton would win—and she did win the popular vote by 3 million. However, gerrymandering and propaganda were what turned most of America red enough to let Trump win.

Basically, Republicans said America was broken and they could "Make America Great Again."

The only problem was that America wasn't broken. In fact, Obama's presidency led to a booming economy, expanded health care, and better human rights throughout the country. Research backs this with a phenomenal amount of data.

So, why do so many people think that Republicans are better for economic policy and human rights? Well, it all boils down to a very well-oiled propaganda machine from the right-wing.

During the months leading up to the election, right-wing news groups and speakers made a point to tell citizens that they were under attack by leftists. They began to paint a picture in which only Republicans could save America from the onslaught from these invisible forces.

They appealed to extremist Christian groups by talking about God and how they would end abortions. They began to talk to families about the dangers of immigrant crimes, despite the statistics that show most immigrants are law-abiding people. Even online memes were politicized with great success.

Rather than appeal to people via facts that don't back the Republican party's views, they went for emotion. They do what they can to make people think they're being attacked, judged, or hated. That is, after all, the most effective way to get people on your side—and also the hardest to defend against.

However, emotional propaganda is only one part of the Republican ways of brainwashing the public. They also have taken a page from fascist regimes by attacking the press. . .

ROME PITS HER "NATURAL LAW" AGAINST THE LAW OF THE LAND

Rome is very aggressive in opposing abortion, homosexuality, and euthanasia. The propriety of a religious institution being aggressively active in the political arena apart, the Bible is more than adequate to prove that homosexuality and euthanasia are sinful. Nevertheless, the Church of Rome elevates natural law above the Bible in her campaign against these sins:

The Contemporary Crisis of Abortion, Homosexuality, and Euthanasia: Relations Between Church and State

For centuries, the term Christendom denoted the fact that two sets of powers, the Church and the State, were so united that there were not always clear divisions between these two institutions exercising their powers. History reveals a constant struggle demonstrating each of these two powers attempting to control the other. It is critical to examine the ideal relationship between these two sets of powers in a contemporary manner. While it is true that there have always been conflicts both within the Church and within the State, this paper will examine the conflicts of abortion, homosexuality, and euthanasia between the Church and the State in the United States. The use of the term Church will be clarified for this paper. It will also analyze the origin and distinction of natural law and positive law and apply them to these three conflicts. Finally, a contemporary understanding of the appropriate relationship between the moral law and civil law regarding the conflicts of abortion, homosexuality, and euthanasia will be offered. It is necessary to clarify exactly what is meant by the term Church in this paper. While it is true that there is a Catholic Church in the United States, there is not an American Catholic Church reflecting the fact that the Catholic Church is universal and connected to the Roman Pontiff always and everywhere. Vatican Council II states correctly from an historical perspective what the term Church meant when it stated that the Church subsists in the Catholic Church which is governed by the successor of Peter and the bishops in communion with him. Though there are many elements of sanctification and truth found outside of its visible confines, they are gifts belonging to the Church of Christ and are forces impelling towards Catholic unity (Flannery ed., 357). The relationship of the powers of the Church and State is distinguished in their respective origins. It certainly is true that all the power of any type comes from God though the origin, means, and end to which the particular power is exercised will differ between the Church and State. The Church, unlike the State, was founded in a positive act by Jesus Christ, her Divine Redeemer; hence, the origin is supernatural. The State, however, has its origin in natural law meaning that civil society was naturally bound to come into existence and develop based on the intrinsic nature of how God made human beings. The state was not founded by a positive act of the Divine Redeemer (Barry ed., 1228). To improperly understand the relationship between the Church and State results in an incorrect understanding of the relationship between the supernatural and the natural or in theological terms, between grace and nature. . .

One of the conflicts that occurs between Church and State is rooted in the proper distinction between natural law and positive law. While natural law implies a law not made by man yet able to be discovered by use of reason, positive law is nothing more than a law derived from human consent as expressed in the majority will (Krason 3-4). The Church teaches that it is in the fact that Jesus Christ gave divine power to Peter and the apostles such that they and their successors indisputably are to both guard and interpret the whole morality not only of the gospels but also of natural law, since natural law does reveal the will of God and is necessary for salvation (Flannery ed. 398-9). Natural rights, which are based on the natural law [1], are unfortunately under direct attack today by secular humanists with the idea of replacing natural law with absolute positivism. At the root of the attempt to reject natural law, secular humanists are rejecting God, Who created and sustains nature, from which natural laws are derived. While it is true that government enforcement is necessary to ensure that natural rights are upheld in the life of a society, it is not true that it is the source of them (Krason, 4). No attempt of positive law can ever legitimately define truth which is objective and exists outside of man's being. Though many today accuse this relationship of Church and State as proposed here to be rooted in totalitarianism, it is far from that; on the contrary, the Church aims at liberating and perfecting the human person in this life such that he will experience salvation in the next life (Barry ed., 1229).

Perhaps no conflict has caused more confusion and division in America than that of the U.S. Supreme Court decision Roe v. Wade in 19,73 which legalized abortion. This decision has essentially allowed abortion on demand throughout the entire nine months of pregnancy. Since the landmark decision of 1973, 25-30 million unborn children have been killed. While almost everyone today has some opinion on abortion, the v.ast majority of Americans remain largely uninformed and uneducated as to the basic facts regarding abortion. The truth regarding abortion and the American perception of it continues to be manipulated by the media in favor of the so-called "pro-choice" position. While the media keeps telling us that the majority of American support the "right to choose," research consistently shows that the vast majority of Americans disapprove of the great majority of abortions performed in the United States (Craycraft, 21-23). . .

The Church enters the battle of abortion as a human rights issue of the morality which Christ entrusted to Peter and the apostles, and their successors. The Church recognizes that questions such as what constitutes a human being, when ensoulment takes place, and whether actions of any type are morally good or evil, are matters that are properly philosophical and moral (Flannery ed., 445-6). The Church is the expert by Divine Will to rule in the spectrum of moral matters, among which abortion is included. "Whoever hears the Church, hears Christ. Whoever rejects the Church, rejects Christ. And whoever rejects Christ, rejects the Father" (New American, Luke 10:16). . .

At the moment of conception, a soul must be present such as there is a continual interaction between form and matter as the new human being comes into existence and develops until the moment of natural death. The soul is the substantial form of the body and hence causes the being to be what it is; in this case, a human soul causes an individual human being to exist. There is no doubt that the Roman Catholic Church has been a powerful voice in protecting the dignity and sanctity of unborn life in America. The Church's condemnation of abortion reflects the fact that abortion violates both natural law and divine law - a teaching, therefore which can never be changed. . .

The natural law alone, which is discovered by human reason, supports the fact that women who subject themselves to this violent procedure where their unborn child is destroyed are likely to suffer devastating effects (Angelo, 69-79). . .

One of the most pressing issues today that is a source of confusion or division is that of so-called "gay rights". There is much unresolved debating as to the causes of homosexuality though it is not portrayed as such. The moral analysis also is construed to be ambiguous. The political agenda of the "gay rights" movement has been gaining increasing acceptance and has become powerful. It is not by chance that there is so much confusion and division on this issue. . .

In the moral analysis of homosexuality, the Church makes the distinction between orientation and practice. While the etiology of homosexuality remains unknown, the Church recognizes that while the orientation is not normative, it is not an intrinsic evil, hence the orientation alone is not sinful. The Church's teaching on this moral issue is based on both natural law and divine law, both of which recognize that engaging in homosexual behavior of any type is clearly against God's plan for the manner in which He calls human beings to live. . .

One significant battle which is just beginning in the United States concerns the "right to die.". . .

The Church is able to be a significant influence to the State. She is able to do this by teaching the truth of Christ that despite good, subjective intentions to alleviate human suffering, killing the patient is against natural law and divine law; it is, in fact, against the way God wishes his people to live in order that they obtain eternal life. . .

While the conflicts of abortion, homosexuality, and euthanasia all involve a direct violation of the natural law and divine law, all of society will suffer if the civil law is unjust. . .

Recent decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court indicate that the current trend is dangerous: a secularization which not only separates Church and State, but does not allow these two institutions to work together at all (Murray, 37). Regrettably, all of society will be damaged by this trend. It is time for all men and women of good will to speak out again, namely, that we affirm the principle of separation of Church and State; however, we believe it erroneous that these two institutions cannot and should not work together lest all of society become endangered.

[1] The Church of Rome's definition of Truth is far removed from the Protestant biblical principle of Sola Scriptura. It is staggeringly audacious in its rejection of God's own revelation in the Bible of what constitutes Truth, and the claims made for the Roman Catholic Magisterium which includes natural law on an equal footing with the Bible:

Natural Law and the Catholic Faith

There are three pillars of truth in the Roman Catholic Faith:

1. Tradition

2. Scripture

3. Magisterium

The Magisterium (the living teaching office of the Church) teaches from Tradition and Scripture. All the teachings of the Magisterium are found, explicitly or implicitly, in Tradition and Scripture. . .

So then, what place does natural law have with respect to the Magisterium? The Magisterium can teach from natural law, as well as from Tradition and Scripture. This assertion does not contradict what Vatican II taught, since all of the truths of natural law, which can be attained by reason alone apart from Divine Revelation, are also found in Divine Revelation (Tradition and Scripture), at least implicitly. So when the Magisterium teaches from natural law, She is teaching truths also found in the Sacred Deposit of Faith.

For the Catholic Faith is not based on faith alone, but on faith and reason. Faith is greater than reason, since faith attains to knowledge from Divine Revelation that is beyond the reach of reason alone. Faith is greater than reason, since what is known by the reason of a fallen sinner is less certain that what is known by the faith of a fallen sinner in the teachings of the Church. But reason allows us to understand, to a great extent, what faith teaches. Reason prevents faith from becoming the blind obedience of a slave or a servant. . .

We are the children of God, and so we believe with understanding. Blind adherence to a set of assertions without any understanding would not even be a type of faith, but rather an idolatrous imitation of faith. Therefore, reason is necessary to the life of faith and grace given to the disciples of Christ.

What is natural law?

Natural law is the promulgation of the eternal moral law in all creation, especially in created persons, both in the nature of each created thing, and in the ordered relationship between created things. Moral goodness is inherent to, and understandable from, all Creation, especially created persons. The nature of created persons is more like the Nature of God than any other created thing. And so the natural law is most clearly perceived within the nature of created persons and within the proper relationships between created persons.

Saint Thomas Aquinas: “Augustine says (De Lib. Arb. i, 6) that ‘knowledge of the eternal law is imprinted on us.’ ” (St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, I-II, Q. 91, A. 2.)

Saint Thomas Aquinas: “The natural law is a participation in us of the eternal law….” (St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, I-II, Q. 96, A. 2.)

his imprinting of the eternal moral law upon human persons is inherent to human nature itself; it is not merely an addition to, or one aspect of, human nature. For all that God created is inherently good, and therefore all that God created is a reflection of God, who is Goodness itself. Human persons are said to be made in the image of God because free will and reason make created persons more like God than other created things. Thus the natural law is first and foremost found in human nature itself.

But the natural law is no different than the moral law, except that the natural law is the means by which we know the moral law. Therefore, the natural law is the promulgation of the moral law, so that this eternal moral law may be known naturally by created persons. . .

The imagined capacity of human beings to "come to know the eternal law" "through the light of native reason" directly contradicts the Bible (2 Tim. 3:16; 2 Peter 1:20-21) (Jer. 17:9; John 2:24-25; Matt. 15:18-20.)

The brazen blasphemy of Rome is understood in the light of Rev. 13:2(b).

HISTORIC ROMAN CATHOLIC ANTAGONISM TOWARDS LIBERALISM

The historical record reveals that what the Church of Rome is (Dan. 7:1-8 & 11-12; Thess. 2:3-9; Rev. 13:1-4,) she accuses liberalism of being (demonic.) For what Rome has accomplished (degradation of the morals of the nations by destroying faith in the Bible,) she has attributed to liberalism. Astonishingly, she includes the Protestant Reformation in her diatribes against liberalism. From Rome's own declarations it is clear that for her own survival, and above all to achieve her objective of world domination liberalism, and Protestantism by association in Rome's terminology, must be destroyed:-

Catholic Social Teaching 101: What is Liberalism and What does the Church really say about it?

Leo XIII takes up the mantle of his predecessors

To begin, we must admit that the collision between liberalism and Catholic Social Teaching is present in the very founding document of the latter, which is generally taken to be Pope Leo XIII’s Rerum Novarum of 1891. If we meant to study Liberalism more completely, we’d have to go back even further to Popes Gregory XVI (Mirari Vos, 1832) and Pius IX (Quanta Cura, 1864). However, for the sake of brevity and in accordance with the plan of this work, which centers on the corpus of CST proper, we will reach back no further than Leo XIII. But precisely because Rerum Novarum is to be our starting point, we must briefly step outside of this document and take a look at the mind of the pontiff that produced it, and see how Leo XIII had been dealing with the problem of liberalism throughout his papacy. At the same time, this requires a few remarks on the nature of liberalism itself.

The three-fold expression of Liberalism

Liberalism appears on three fronts, corresponding to three different spheres of man’s social life: It is religious, political, and economic.

The religious form can be identified most clearly in the principles of the Protestant Reformation, personified by Martin Luther. The consequences of Luther’s religious liberalism were directly addressed by Leo XIII at various points, specifically in his Providentissimus Deus (1893) where he pointed to the proper principles for the study of Holy Scripture and identified the problems created by subjecting it to secular methods of criticism and private judgment.

The political form of liberalism, on the other hand, was condemned by Leo XIII even more thoroughly, through documents such as Diuturnum (1881), Immortale Dei (1885), and Libertas Praestantissimum (1888). It was within these encyclicals that he clearly identified his foes and summarized their errors:

“But many there are who follow in the footsteps of Lucifer, and adopt as their own his rebellious cry, ‘I will not serve’; and consequently substitute for true liberty what is sheer and most foolish license. Such, for instance, are the men belonging to that widely spread and powerful organization, who, usurping the name of liberty, style themselves liberals.” (Libertas, 14)

“…these followers of liberalism deny the existence of any divine authority to which obedience is due, and proclaim that every man is the law to himself; from which arises that ethical system which they style independent morality, and which, under the guise of liberty, exonerates man from any obedience to the commands of God, and substitutes a boundless license. The end of all this it is not difficult to foresee, especially when society is in question. For, when once man is firmly persuaded that he is subject to no one, it follows that the efficient cause of the unity of civil society is not to be sought in any principle external to man, or superior to him, but simply in the free will of individuals; that the authority in the State comes from the people only; and that, just as every man's individual reason is his only rule of life, so the collective reason of the community should be the supreme guide in the management of all public affairs. Hence the doctrine of the supremacy of the greater number, and that all right and all duty reside in the majority. But, from what has been said, it is clear that all this is in contradiction to reason.” (Libertas, 15)

All of this predates the writing of Rerum Novarum, which was itself addressed to the third form of liberalism—the economic. Economic liberalism is analogous to what today we call Capitalism, and centers on the ideology of free markets. This movement can be roughly identified with the person of Adam Smith, thereby completing our “trifecta” of liberal figureheads.

As Leo XIII saw, economic liberalism was simply another application of the principles he had seen carried out in every other area. Acknowledging this context, we can enter into the relationship between liberalism and Catholic Social Teaching, proceeding chronologically through the documents which go to form the main corpus of the latter. . . (Internal ellipsis in original; underscored emphasis added.)

The reader will recognize in the following statement which references Providentissimus Deus, "the proper principles for the study of Holy Scripture and identified the problems created by subjecting it to secular methods of criticism and private judgment," that this is not a reference to the Protestant principles of exegesis of the Bible, nor to Rome's own Higher Criticism. The Pope must have been referring to repudiation of Roman Catholic Magisterium.

Pope Leo's antagonism towards Liberalism targeted "Americanism" in the Catholic Church of America:

THE AMERICANISM HERESY

Leo XIII’s critique [of Americanism] is more substantial than apologists for Americanism care to admit. Much of it, in fact, is pertinent to conditions in American Catholicism today.

One set of condemned ideas concerns ranking natural virtues above supernatural ones, along with a division of virtues into “passive” and “active” that gives preference to the latter as more suited to modern times. The Pope says this fosters “contempt … for the religious life” and the disparagement of religious vows. Here, one might say, is a Victorian anticipation of the crisis that has afflicted religious life in the United States over the last half century.

Turning to the origins of Americanism, Leo XIII says it reflects a desire to attract to the Church “those who dissent.” Central to it, he adds, is the idea that the Church — “relaxing its old severity” — must “show indulgence” to new opinions, including even those that downplay “the doctrines in which the deposit of faith is contained.”

Leo XIII’s reply is that how flexible the Church can and should be is not up to individuals but rests with “the judgment of the Church.” Opposing this orthodox view, he notes, is the modern error that everyone could decide for himself, inasmuch as the Holy Spirit today gives individuals “more and richer gifts than in times past” — no less than “a kind of hidden instinct” in religious matters.

All this and more was the Americanism condemned by the Pope. (Underscored emphasis added.)

As strong as some of the statements made by Leo XIII are, other Roman Catholic publications have expressed themselves in unabashedly violent terms:

A LIBERAL OBJECTION TO ULTRAMONTANE METHODS

The Liberals tell us that our violent methods of warfare against them are not in conformity with the Pope's counsels to moderation and charity. Has he not exhorted Catholic writers to a love of peace and union; to avoid harsh, aggressive and personal polemics? How then can we Ultramontanes reconcile the Holy Father's wishes with our fierce methods? Let us consider the force of the Liberals' objection. To whom does the Holy Father address these repeated admonitions? Always to the Catholic press, to Catholic journalists, to those who are supposed to be worthy of the name. These counsels to moderation and charity, therefore, are always addressed to Catholics, discussing with other Catholics free questions, i.e., not involving established principles of faith and morality, and do not in any sense apply to Catholics waging a mortal combat with the declared enemies of the faith.

There is no doubt that the Pope here makes no allusion to the incessant battles between Catholics and Liberals, for the simple reason that Catholicity is truth and (119) Liberalism heresy, between which there can be no peace, but wear [war? to the death. It is certain by consequence, therefore, that the Pope intends his counsels to apply to our family quarrels, unhappily much too frequent; and that by no means does he seek to forbid us from waging an unrelenting stiff with the eternal enemies of the Church, whose hands, filled with deadly weapons, are ever lifted against the faith and its defenders.

Therefore there can be no contradiction between the doctrine we expound and that of the Briefs and Allocutions of the Holy Father on the subject, provided that logically both apply to the same matter under the same respect, which holds perfectly in this instance. For how can we interpret the words of the Holy Father in any other way? It is a rule of sound exegesis that any passage in Holy Scripture should always be interpreted according to the letter, unless such meaning be in opposition to the context; we can only have recourse to a free or figurative interpretation, when this opposition is obvious. This rule applies also to the interpretation of pontifical documents. How can we suppose the Pope in contradiction with all Catholic tradition from Jesus Christ to our own times? Is it for a (120) moment admissible that the style and method of most of the celebrated Catholic polemists and apologists from St. Paul to St Francis de Sales should be condemned by a stroke of the pen? Clearly not; for if we were to understand the Pope's counsels to moderation and calm, in the sense in which the Liberal conclusion would construe them, we should have to answer evidently yes. Consequently we must conclude that the Holy Father's words are not addressed to Catholics battling with the enemies of Catholicity, but only to Catholics controverting on free questions amongst themselves.

Enmity towards Liberalism was originally a uniquely Roman Catholic phenomenon. The following venomous attack is the work of a Pentecostal minister, and it brings to mind the convergence of interest between the papacy and Pentecostalism. There is here a further convergence with Rev. 16:13-16:

Liberalism: a Demonic Deception & Satanic Takeover in American Thinking

Summary: I am disgusted with large portions of the American political scene, including much that occurs on both sides of the political spectrum. For the record, I am a registered nonaffiliated voter. I have no party identity and haven’t for some years. That said, I see multiple positions currently embraced in American liberalism that defy biblical teachings. And that, not politics, is of the greatest importance to me. I have no interest in dealing with these issues politically. My focus is entirely on examining some of the pillars of American liberal thought from the standpoint of Scripture. That to me is the overriding, governing principle in this discussion. I am not interested in the names of candidates or of political parties. None will be named. My purpose is to examine from a biblical perspective current American liberalism (the term "progressives" has been embraced by many "liberals," although the two are not always identical). The conclusion I have drawn is that much of modern liberalism is based on demonic deception and represents a Satanic takeover of a large portion of present-day American thought.

1 Timothy 4:1 The Spirit clearly says that in later times some will abandon the faith and follow deceiving spirits and things taught by demons.

Revelation 12:9, Amplified Bible …the age-old serpent who is called the devil and Satan, he who continually deceives and seduces the entire inhabited world…

Ephesians 6:12, New Living Translation For we are not fighting against flesh-and-blood enemies, but against evil rulers and authorities of the unseen world, against mighty powers in this dark world, and against evil spirits in the heavenly places.

Our battle is not against flesh-and-blood enemies. Rather, our ultimate opponents are in the unseen world, where Satan and his evil spirits “continually deceive.” The Bible warns prophetically that in these later times there will be many who will “follow deceiving spirits and things taught by demons.” It is many of those devilish teachings that have emerged as pillars of modern liberalism as it is widely practiced in America today. Let’s examine some of those liberal mainstays not from a political perspective, but in the light of God’s Word, the Bible. (Formatting as in the original; underscored emphasis added.)

There follows a list of the evils against which he and his allies battle, and it comes as no surprise that "abortion on demand" tops the list, with some of which undoubtedly there is no biblical reason to disagree. However, it is manifest that the label applied to Liberalism is precisely applicable to the author's Pentecostalism.

In 1943 the Southern Publishing Association published the book Facts of Faith by Christian Edwardson which is of inestimable spiritual value. Edwardson was an Evangelist-Pastor and author of several books including Facts of Faith. Of him The Adventist Heritage Center writes "The last years of his life were spent at Hutchinson, Minnesota, where he engaged in writing and research. His library numbered about 3,000 books . . ." In a Ministry Magazine dated November, 1944, and titled "The Power of an Informed Ministry" Roy Allan Anderson wrote concerning Facts of Faith, "Another excellent compilation is Christian Edwardson's recently published and newly revised volume, Facts of Faith. No worker can afford to be without this book, which represents nearly half a century of research." This recommendation is now relevant for the Seventh-day Adventist laity who believe Jesus Christ's message to Laodicea (Rev. 3:16, 20.) Roy Allan Anderson was one of the leaders in the compromise with the Evangelicals; but on this recommendation he can be trusted. Had the ministry followed his recommendation, and not his example, more of them would have stood up against the Church's backsliding towards Rome. The ministry as a whole now spurn "heavy theology"; but note Ellen G. White's definition of the righteousness of Christ as "pure, unadulterated truth."

The entirety of Facts of Faith is a book "par excellance" on the history of the Christian Church and the malevolent work of the Roman Catholic Church with the objective of eradicating true Christianity from the face of the earth. The closing chapters numbered from 23 to 29 are an exposé of this satanic work in America over a period in excess of a century and dating from the time of Pope Leo XIII, now rapidly culminating in the fulfillment of the prophecies of Rev. 13:11-17. These chapters are essential reading for those who want to understand the strange course of current events in America and Rome's war against liberalism, now also robustly advanced by right-wing Evangelicals.